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Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMIS 1500KVA di Kaur

Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMIS 1500KVA di Kaur Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMIS 1500KVA di Kaur

saco-indonesia.com,     Terumbu Karang adalah sekumpulan hewan karang yang telah bersimbiosis dengan jenis tum

saco-indonesia.com,

    Terumbu Karang adalah sekumpulan hewan karang yang telah bersimbiosis dengan jenis tumbuhan. Koloni karang yang dibentuk oleh ribuan hewan kecil (Polip). Dalam kebanyakan spesies, satu individu polip karang telah berkembang menjadi banyak individu yang disebut koloni. Hewan ini telah memiliki bentuk yang unik dan warna yang beraneka rupa. Terumbu karang merupakan habitat bagi spesies tumbuhan laut, hewan laut, dan mikroorganisme.
     Keberadaan terumbu karang telah menjadi sesuatu yang sangat penting bagi ekosistem laut. Selain telah menjadi penahan abrasi akibat gelombang laut sebelum menyapu pesisir, terumbu karang juga merupakan habitat yang sangat penting sebagai rumah ikan. Selain itu, keunikan terumbu karang telah menjadi keindahan tersendiri dan bermanfaat sebagai tujuan wisata atau lokasi olahraga selam, dan tentunya sebagai tempat penelitian.
     Kabupaten Ketapang yang telah memiliki lebih dari 200 km garis pantai, dan 41 pulau kecil telah memiliki potensi yang cukup baik bagi keberadaan terumbu karang. "Inilah yang kemudian telah menginspirasi para pegiat lingkungan yang tergabung dalam komunitas "Ketapang Biodiversity Keeping" (KBK), yang dulunya lebih dikenal sebagai Kawan Burung Ketapang untuk berkontribusi dalam upaya pelestarian terumbu karang di wilayah laut Kabupaten Ketapang!" kata Abdurahman Al Qadrie, Ketua KBK.
      Pemerintah Kabupaten Ketapang, dalam hal in Dinas Kelautan dan Perikanan Kabupaten Ketapang (DKP), dalam melalui Kabid Kelautan Pesisir dan Pulau-pulau Kecil (KP3K), sangat menaruh perhatian yang besar terhadap keberadaan dan kelestarian terumbu karang. Hal ini telah disampaikan oleh Kepala Bidang KP3K, Ir. Zamzani pada saat penulis berkunjung ke kantornya di Jalan Jendral Sudirman, Ketapang (12/11/2013). Menurut beliau, tindakan nyata yang akan dilaksanakan dalam waktu dekat ini adalah dengan mengadakan kajian potensi bawah air laut. Adapun tujuan dari kegiatan ini adalah untuk dapat memetakan lokasi keberadaan terumbu karang, tingkat keterancaman, dan langkah-langkah yang harus dilakukan kedepannya.
      "Prioritas utama kita adalah pulau-pulau kecil yang telah berpenghuni, karena terumbu karang akan mudah rentan terhadap kegiatan manusia!" tambahnya. Terumbu karang di sektar Pulau Bawal juga merupakan prioritas utama, mengingat di pulau ini juga terdapat aktivitas yang cukup besar dibanding Pulau Cempedak dan Pulau Sawi.
       "Sebagai rumah ikan yang telah menyediakan perlindungan dan sumber makanan bagi ikan, sudah barang tentu terumbu karang telah menjadi pendukung utama perkembangan populasi ikan di sekitarnya. Hal ini tentu juga menjadi penopang sumber pendapatan bagi nelayan laut. Semestinya lah kita harus menjaga dan melestarikan terumbu karang!" kata Junaidi, SP, anggota DPRD Kabupaten Ketapang yang menyempatkan diri melihat dari dekat kehidupan nelayan di Pulau Sawi dan Potensi terumbu karangnya. "Dan Pemerintah juga telah berupaya membantu masyarakat nelayan laut yang tidak memiliki terumbu karang di sekitar wilayah laut tangkapan mereka, yaitu dengan membuat rumpun-rumpun tempat ikan berlindung. Setidaknya kita telah membuat 2 rumpun yang berukuran besar atau yang diistilahkan dengan "Fish Apartment" yaitu di wilayah laut Pulau Cempedak dan wilayah laut Pagarmentimun, selain rumpun-rumpun kecil lainnya!" tambahnya.
      "Harapan kita adalah, bagaimana semua pihak dapat menyadari pentingnya keberadaan terumbu karang bagi kehidupan bawah laut dan manusia, kemudian serius dalam melakukan tindakan penjagaan dan pelestariannya!" tambah Abdurahman Al Qadrie.

  Beberapa aktivitas manusia yang dapat merusak terumbu karangadalah sebagai berikut:
·         membuang sampah ke laut dan pantai yang dapat mencemari air laut,
·   membawa pulang ataupun menyentuh terumbu karang saat menyelam, satu sentuhan saja dapat membunuh terumbu karang,
·    pemborosan air, semakin banyak air yang digunakan maka semakin banyak pula limbah air yang dihasilkan dan dibuang ke laut,
·      penggunaan pupuk dan pestisida buatan, seberapapun jauh letak pertanian tersebut dari laut residu kimia dari pupuk dan pestisida buatan pada akhinya akan terbuang ke laut juga,
·    Membuang jangkar pada pesisir pantai secara tidak sengaja akan dapat merusak terumbu karang yang berada di bawahnya,
·         terdapatnya predator terumbu karang, seperti sejenis siput drupella,
·         penambangan,
·         pembangunan permukiman,
·         reklamasi pantai,
·         polusi,
·        penangkapan ikan dengan cara yang salah, seperti pemakaian bom ikan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Kasus cewek ABG yang telah ditemukan tewas di semak-semak tanah kosong Jalan Siliwangi RT 01/02, Kel. Pondok Benda, Kec. Pamulang, Tangerang Selatan masih diusut. Polisi telah menduga pelajar kelas 9 SMP ini sebelum tewas bertemu dengan kenalan di Facebook.

Kasus cewek ABG yang telah ditemukan tewas di semak-semak tanah kosong Jalan Siliwangi RT 01/02, Kel. Pondok Benda, Kec. Pamulang, Tangerang Selatan masih diusut. Polisi telah menduga pelajar kelas 9 SMP ini sebelum tewas bertemu dengan kenalan di Facebook.

Pembunuh Johanna Febri N, gadis berusia 14 tahun ini masih diburu oleh petugas gabungan Polres Jaksel dan Polsek Gunung Sindur, Bogor, Jawa Barat. Korban warga Perumahan Griya Indah RT 05/15 Gunung Sindur, Bogor, Jawa Barat.

Kasat Reskrim Polres Jaksel AKBP Novi Thursanurrohmad , juga mengatakan pihaknya telah memintai keterangan saksi-saksi untuk mendalami kasus tersebut.

Sebelumnya diberitakan perempuan tanpa identitas ditemukan tewas dengan luka di perut sebelah kiri, lengan kiri, luka kaki di sebelah kiri dan mata lebam .

Akhirnya polisi telah mengetahui identitas korban . Kepada orangtua, Johana juga mengaku pergi ke gereja bersama temannya dengan menggunakan sepeda motor. Namun setelah diperiksa polisi teman yang disebutkan tidak jalan dengan korban.

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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