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Orang Sakti (Dukun) Malaysia, Ibrahim Mat Zin, menyatakan bahwa kemungkinan penumpang Malaysia Airlines yang hilang di Laut China Selatan dibawa oleh makhluk halus bernama Orang Bunian.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Orang Sakti (Dukun) Malaysia, Ibrahim Mat Zin, menyatakan bahwa kemungkinan penumpang Malaysia Airlines yang hilang di Laut China Selatan dibawa oleh makhluk halus bernama Orang Bunian. Sebenarnya, siapa orang Bunian ini?

Orang Bunian adalah sebutan orang Melayu terhadap makhluk halus sejenis manusia yang tinggal di dunia mereka sendiri dan terkadang sering mampir ke dunia nyata. Disebutkan, hanya orang tertentu saja, yang dibekali ilmu gaib misalnya, yang bisa mengetahui keberadaan mereka.

Di Indonesia, Orang Bunian sering diartikan sebagai Peri. Namun, sebenarnya hal ini kurang tepat karena Bunian sendiri berarti orang yang bersembunyi atau orang yang bersiul dalam Bahasa melayu.

Penampakan mereka mirip dengan kebanyakan orang Asia Tenggara, memiliki postur tidak terlalu tinggi, rambut hitam, dan kulit sawo matang. mereka biasanya terlihat cantik dan tampan sehingga kemudian disejajarkan dengan Peri.

Orang Bunian disebutkan tinggal di dimensi lain dari yang didiami manusia. Seperti manusia, mereka juga berkeluarga dan memiliki struktur sosialnya.

Tidak ada perbedaan mencolok jika kita membandingkan Orang Bunian dengan manusia biasa. Maka dari itu, banyak cerita kemudian menyebutkan bahwa Orang Bunian bisa jatuh cinta dengan manusia biasa, atau sebaliknya.

Jika hal ini terjadi, maka biasanya Orang Bunian akan membawa orang yang dicintainya itu ke dunia gaibnya dan dinikahi untuk selamanya. Sehingga, ada kemungkinan para penumpang Malaysia Airlines saat ini telah dibawa ke dunia Orang Bunian ini.

Hingga saat ini memang belum ada kepastian apakah keberadaan Orang Bunian bisa dibuktikan dengan cara ilmiah. Berita mengenai mereka pun hanya bersumber dari cerita rakyat atau dongeng yang tidak diketahui sumbernya.

Sumber: Yahoo! Singapore dan Wikipedia/merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Demi mendapatkan stempel asli Perpustakaan Daerah (Perpusda) Kota Bandung yang digunakan oleh tersangka pembuat surat palsu perintah sekte seks bebas, GL tega menganiaya ibu kandungnya yang juga bekerja di lingkungan Perpusda.

BANDUNG, Saco-Indonesia.com — Demi mendapatkan stempel asli Perpustakaan Daerah (Perpusda) Kota Bandung yang digunakan oleh tersangka pembuat surat palsu perintah sekte seks bebas, GL tega menganiaya ibu kandungnya yang juga bekerja di lingkungan Perpusda.

"Tersangka GL ini memaksa dan memukuli ibunya untuk mendapatkan setempel Perpusda," kata Kepala Polrestabes Bandung Abdul Rakhman Baso di Mapolrestabes Bandung di Jalan Merdeka, Kota Bandung, Senin (3/6/2013).

Abdul menambahkan, hubungan antara GL dan ibunya yang diketahui bernama Nunung Surtiwaliah memang tidak harmonis. "Meskipun dia (GL) tinggal bersama ibunya, hubungan mereka tidak pernah harmonis," ujarnya.

Disinggung soal keterlibatan pihak atau individu lainnya, Abdul mengatakan belum menemukan adanya orang lain yang berkaitan dengan pemalsuan surat tersebut. Sementara ini, tersangka GL masih menjalani pemeriksaan kejiwaan di Polda Jabar.

"Sampai hari ini tersangka mengaku masih sendiri. Tapi kita akan lakukan pengembangan lebih lanjut, apakah ada keterkaitan dalam pemberian fee (bayaran) atau tidak," katanya.

Diberitakan sebelumnya, Kepala Polrestabes Bandung Kombes Abdul Rakhman Baso menegaskan, Sekte Sex Bebas yang belakangan ramai diberitakan di media massa tidak pernah ada. Menurutnya, sekte tersebut hanya karangan yang dibuat salah satu tersangka berinisial GL yang bertujuan mencari keuntungan dengan cara memeras salah seorang pegawai Perpusda Kota Bandung berinisial PP atau GM.

"Berkaitan sekte Sex Bebas, kita sudah tetapkan satu tersangka atas nama GL. Berdasarkan hasil penyelidikan, setelah kita geledah tempat pembuatan surat palsu tersebut yang seolah-olah dibuat oleh salah satu dinas di Pemkot Bandung, diketahui ternyata palsu," kata Abdul saat ditemui seusai gelar perkara di Mapolrestabes Bandung di Jalan Merdeka, Kota Bandung, Senin (3/6/2013).

Lebih lanjut Abdul menambahkan, surat palsu berisi perintah menjalankan ritual seks bebas yang ternyata diberi cap asli dari Perpusda Kota Bandung itu dibuat di dua warnet berbeda, yaitu warnet miliknya dan warnet milik rekannya, AS, yang berlokasi di Jalan Caringin, Kota Bandung.

"Surat perintah itu dikerjakan di suatu tempat dengan menyuruh orang, dan saksi yang kita periksa sebanyak 17 orang," katanya.

Akibat terbitnya surat perintah palsu tersebut, Kepala Perpusda Kota Bandung Muhammad Anwar mengaku nama baiknya telah dicemarkan. Pasalnya, dalam surat tersebut terdapat tanda tangan Anwar.

"Muhammad Anwar mengatakan tidak pernah menandatangani surat perintah tersebut. Surat perintah itu juga tidak pernah ada di register," paparnya. Akibat aksi nekatnya itu, GL terancam hukuman lebih dari 5 tahun penjara karena telah melanggar Pasal 263 dan atau 310 dan atau 311 KUHPidana.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

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The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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