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TEMPAT WISATA TAMAN LAUT BUNAKEN
Pulau Sulawesi terkenal dengan keindahan laut merupakan salah satu Taman Nasional Bunaken terletak di Sulawesi Utara dan berjara
Pulau Sulawesi terkenal dengan keindahan laut merupakan salah satu Taman Nasional Bunaken terletak di Sulawesi Utara dan berjarak ± 8 km dari daratan Kota Manado. Lokasinya cukup strategis untuk membuatnya mudah untuk taman dikunjungi oleh wisatawan baik dari domestik maupun dari luar negeri.Taman Nasional Bunaken merupakan satu-satu tujuan rekreasi bagi wisatawan diminati wisatawan domestik dan asing yang cukup.
Kegiatan yang dapat dilakukan di Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah seperti berjemur di pantai, berenang di laut, menyelam (diving), snorkeling, menjelajahi hutan di sekitar Taman Laut pantai.Secara keseluruhan Taman Nasional memiliki luas wilayah 75.265 hektar di yang terdapat lima pulau, yaitu Pulau Bunaken, Pulau Manado Tua, Pulau Siladen, Pulau Mantehage bersama dengan beberapa pulau dan anak terakhir Pulau Naen. Meskipun hal ini Taman laut ini memiliki lima pulau yang berdekatan, hanya yang paling terkenal Bunaken Island sebagai tempat menyelam.
Kawasan Park pada tahun 1991 sebagai taman laut nasional yang diresmikan oleh Menteri Kelautan dan berfungsi sebagai objek wisata bahari dan pendidikan serta melihat potensi kegiatan ekologi alam dan konservasi laut daerah ini. Selain kegiatan wisata, taman laut yang sangat baik untuk pengembangan pengetahuan pendidikan orang dewasa dan anak-anak tentang sumber daya alam dan laut.
Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah salah satu taman laut paling indah di dunia, terkenal dengan formasi karang yang sangat indah dan luas. taman laut juga merupakan habitat lebih dari 3000 jenis ikan yang perlu dijaga dari kepunahan, seperti lolosi ikan ekor kuning (Lutjanus kasmira), kuda ikan gusumi (hippocampus kuda), goropa (spilotoceps ephinephelus), OCI putih (seriola rivoliana ) dan banyak orang lain juga telah memiliki keragaman spesies langka organisme air seperti lumba-lumba, sapi laut, dugong-dugong dan juga telah memiliki berbagai jenis ikan hias yang sangat indah.
Taman Nasional Bunaken telah memiliki wilayah yang cukup besar untuk dapat melakukan penyelaman, meskipun masih terbatas hanya lokasi penyelaman di sekitar pantai yang telah mengelilingi kelima pulau, hal ini juga dilakukan untuk keselamatan pengunjung dan untuk memfasilitasi petugas dalam mengawasi para pengunjung pantai.
Pengunjung juga dapat menyelam dan menyaksikan ikan tropis dan terumbu karang yang menakjubkan dan indah sehingga pengunjung dijamin akan kagum melihat dan tidak dapat melupakannya.
Untuk diving, Taman Laut Taman Nasional juga merupakan salah menyelam 10 tempat di dunia yang paling populer.
Ada 20 poin dimana menyelam (dive spot) dengan kedalaman bervariasi hingga 1.344 meter di wilayah taman laut ini. Dari 20 poin menyelam, 12 poin di antaranya di sekitar Pulau Bunaken dan paling sering dikunjungi oleh penyelam dan wisatawan.
Marine fenomena alam yang ada di TN Bunaken adalah unik dan hampir pasti tidak akan ditemukan di taman laut lainnya. Taman laut ini juga telah memiliki keunikkan sebuah dinding karang raksasa yang berdiri vertikal dan melengkung ke atas atau disebut tembok besar air atau dinding gantung. dinding Rock adalah juga sumber mana makanan bagi ikan di perairan sekitar Pulau Bunaken.
Akses ke Taman Laut Nasional Bunaken
Untuk dapat mengunjungi taman ini, pengunjung juga dapat menggunakan perahu motor sewaan berangkat dari pantai di kota teluk Manado terhadap taman laut.
Sekitar lokasi hotel yang tersedia, resort, homestay, kolam renang, restoran, kantor pos, menara, gerbang, speed boat.
Ada juga peralatan menyelam sewa bersama dengan instruktur.
Ketika Terbaik Untuk Kunjungi Taman Nasional Bunaken
Musim terbaik untuk dapat mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional Mei.-Agust.
Yang Dibawa Persediaan Wajib
Dalam kondisi tertentu diperlukan untuk dapat melindungi diri dari angin laut, perlu untuk membawa baju hangat atau jaket, tutup kepala, syal untuk penghangat leher.
Ada baiknya ketika mereka mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional dalam kondisi kesehatan keadaan prima.
saco-indonesia.com, Wakil Gubernur DKI, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama telah mengakui proyek normalisasi sungai di Jakarta belum dapat m
saco-indonesia.com, Wakil Gubernur DKI, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama telah mengakui proyek normalisasi sungai di Jakarta belum dapat maksimal. Salah satu penyebabnya adalah karena masih belum tersedianya peralatan berat untuk dapat mengerjakan pengerukan sampah tersebut.
"Pasti belum ada akselerasi penanganan sampah. Karena alat beratnya belum beli. Dumptrack-nya juga belum beli," kata Wakil Gubernur DKI, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama di Balaikota, Jalan Medan Merdeka Selatan, Jakarta Pusat.
Pria yang kerap disapa Ahok ini pun juga tidak ingin jika terkendalanya penanganan sampah tersebut disalahkan pada petugas pengerukan sampah.
"Jangan salahkan orang sampah, alatnya yang belum ada,"
Selanjutnya, Ahok juga menginginkan agar pembelian alat-alat tersebut juga tidak lagi melalui proses tender. Tetapi dengan cara memasukkan alat-alat yang dibutuhkan dalam e-katalog LKPP (Lembaga Kebijakan Pengadaan Barang Jasa Pemerintah).
"Makanya saya juga minta trus sampah tidak boleh tender nanti musti masuk e-katalog," ucapnya.
Normalisasi sungai ini pun juga dilakukan agar jalan inspeksi sungai dapat digunakan sebagai alternatif kemacetan.
"Supaya jalan inspeksi sungai itu selain berfungsi untuk dapat mmbereskan normalisasi sungai, juga jadi jalan alternatif macet," terangnya.
Ia pun juga menilai langkah pengalihan tugas pengerukan sampah dari dinas PU ke dinas Kebersihan sudah benar. Hal ini agar dapat mengurangi anggaran yang keluar untuk setiap kegiatan pengerukan.
"Udah tepat. Kalau tidak , PU cuma ngaduk-ngaduk 2 kali, bayar. Sampah yang sama, 3 kali bayar. Orang taman buang sampah ke kali, bayar. Dari kali diangkut PU naik ke atas, bayar. Di atas dibawa dinas kebersihan ke bantar gebang, bayar," pungkasnya.
Sebelumnya, kepala Dinas Kebersihan, Unu Nurdin juga mengakui jika alat yang ada saat ini sudah ada yang berusia 30 tahun.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues
As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.
A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.
“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”
Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.
In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.
“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.
The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.
“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.
But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.
After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”
That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.
That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.
“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.
The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.
In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.
“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”
Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”
His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.
“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”
With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syrias War
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”