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Setiap perbuatan dalam ibadah haji sebenarnya mengandung rahasia, contoh seperti ihrom sebagai upacara pertama maksudnya adalah

Setiap perbuatan dalam ibadah haji sebenarnya mengandung rahasia, contoh seperti ihrom sebagai upacara pertama maksudnya adalah bahwa manusia harus melepaskan diri dari hawa nafsu dan hanya mengahadap diri kepada Allah  Yang Maha Agung.
Memperteguh iman dan takwa kepada allah SWT karena dalam ibadah tersebut diliputi dengan penuh kekhusyu’an
Ibadah haji menambahkan jiwa tauhid yang tinggi
Ibadah haji adalah sebagai tindak lanjut dalam pembentukan sikap mental dan akhlak yang mulia.
Ibadah haji adalah merupakan pernyataan umat islam seluruh dunia menjadi umat yang satu karena mempunyai persamaan atau satu akidah.
Ibadah haji merupakan muktamar akbar umat islam sedunia, yang peserta-pesertanya berdatangan dari seluruh penjuru dunia dan Ka’bahlah yang menjadi symbol kesatuan dan persatuan.
Memperkuat fisik dan mental, kerena ibadah haji maupun umrah merupakan ibadah yang berat memerlukan persiapan fisik yang kuat, biaya besar dan memerlukan kesabaran serta ketabahan dalam menghadapi segala godaan dan rintangan.
Menumbuhkan semangat berkorban, karena ibadah haji maupun umrah, banyak meminta pengorbanan baik harta, benda, jiwa besar dan pemurah, tenaga serta waktu untuk melakukannya.
Dengan melaksanakan ibadah haji bisa dimanfaatkan untuk membina persatuan dan kesatuan umat Islam sedunia.

Sumber : http://deluk12.wordpress.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : DALIL TENTANG PERINTAH IBADAH HAJI

saco-indonesia.com, Skype adalah sebuah program komunikasi dengan teknologi P2P (peer to peer). Program ini merupakan program bebas (dapat diunduh g

Skype adalah sebuah program komunikasi dengan teknologi P2P (peer to peer). Program ini merupakan program bebas (dapat diunduh gratis) dan dibuat dengan tujuan penyediaan sarana komunikasi suara (voice) berkualitas tinggi yang murah berbasiskan internet untuk semua orang di berbagai belahan dunia. Pengguna Skype dapat berbicara dengan pengguna Skype lainnya dengan gratis, menghubungi telepon tradisional dengan biaya (skypeOut), menerima panggilan dari telepon tradisional (SkypeIn), dan menerima pesan suara . Teknologi skype ditemukan oleh wirausahawan Niklas Zennström dan Janus Friis, orang yang sama yang menemukan Kazaa dan Joost (P2P untuk televisi). Skype lalu berkompetisi dengan protokol terbuka VoIP yang sudah ada seperti SIP, IAX, dan H.323. Grup Skype yang dibentuk pada bulan September 2003 lalu dibeli oleh perusahaan lelang internet raksasa di Amerika e-Bay pada bulan September 2005 dan bermarkas di Luxembourg, Jerman dengan kantor-kantor di London, Inggris, Praha, Rusia dan San Jose, California, A.S.

Sejak diluncurkan skype telah mengalami pertumbuhan pesat baik dari penggunaannya yang populer maupun pengembangan perangkat lunaknya, jasa yang ditawarkan pun menjadi beragam mulai dari penggunaan gratis maupun berbayar.

Hanya dalam beberapa tahun saja pada bulan April 2006 Skype memiliki 100 juta pengguna.

 

 

Keunggulan

 

  1. Komunikasi global dan lokal yang lebih ekonomis melalui suara atau konferensi video. Sebagai ilustrasi pada tahun 2007 perbandingan menelpon ke Amerika dari Indonesia adalah Rp.6,640,-/ menit.    sedangkan dengan menggunakan skype, aktivitas ini didapatkan gratis (untuk sesama pengguna skype) dan berbayar bila skype digunakan untuk menelpon ke pesawat telpon genggam: Rp. 1,593/ menit atau pesawat telpon rumah: Rp. 423/ menit . Komunikasi menjadi lebih murah dan terjangkau. Konferensi bisa dilangsungkan antar pengguna (dua orang) sampai dengan lima pengguna sekaligus.
  2. Penggunaannya yang mudah. Untuk pengguna yang telah biasa menggunakan pengirim-penerima pesan instan internet, perangkat lunak skype akan dirasakan mudah. Pengguna hanya diharuskan untuk memiliki komputer dengan spesifikasi teknis tertentu, headset (yang memiliki mike dan speaker), serta sambungan internet.
  3. Kualitas suara yang lebih baik dibandingakan VoIP pendahulunya. Kegunaan dasar pembicaraan telepon melalui komputer di mana pun pengguna berada (dengan koneksi internet) secara gratis.

Kualitas suara yang lebih baik

Dalam hal kualitas suara yang lebih baik, hal ini mungkin terjadi karena tim kerja Skype telah berhasil mengontrol sumberdaya- sumberdaya yang tersedia pada jaringan. Sehingga meningkatkan keberhasilan panggilan dan kualitas pada jaringan Skype melebihi tingkat POTS (Plain Old Telephony System: Sistem Telepon Tua Biasa) tanpa menggunakan pemusatan sumberdaya yang mahal. Dengan menyederhanakan perangkat lunaknya, sistem ini memungkinkan pengaplikasian yang mudah oleh siapapun.

Traversal Firewall dan NAT (Network Address Translation)

Klien-klien yang tidak menggunakan firewall dan klien-klien yang sudah berada pada alamat-alamat IP publik yang terarah dapat membantu “ujung- penghubung” dari NAT berkomunikasi dengan mengarahkan panggilan. Hal ini memungkinkan dua klien yang awalnya tidak bisa berkomunikasi untuk berbicara satu sama lainnya, karena sinyal panggilan di terjemahkan pada pengguna akhir yang satu dan pengguna akhir lainnya, sehingga kekhawatiran akan risiko keamanan atau privasi dapat diatasi. Bersamaan dengan hal ini, hanya proxi-proxi yang memiliki “jatah” berlebih yang dipilih sehingga performa pada penggunanya tidak terganggu. Beberapa teknik baru telah dikembangkan untuk menghindari konfigurasi firewall dan gateway pada pengguna akhir, dimana setting konfigurasi yang tidak sensitif biasanya menghambat mayoritas pengguna dalam berkomunikasi. Singkatnya, Skype bekerja di belakang mayoritas firewall dan gateway tanpa menggunakan konfigurasi khusus.

Data dan Alat Pencari Pengguna Global Terdesentralisasi

Kebanyakan dari pengirim- penerima pesan instan (Instant Messenger) atau perangkat lunak komunikasi memerlukan bentuk data pencari terpusat yang bertujuan agar hubungan antar pengguna akhir berhasil dilakukan, dimana para pengguna akhir ini memiliki nama pengguna statis karena alamat IP-nya cenderung berubah. Perubahan ini terjadi saat pengguna berpindah lokasi atau mencoba menghubungkan diri kembali ke dalam jaringan dengan menggunakan alamat IP dinamis. Kebanyakan dari alat komunikasi yang berbasiskan internet, mencari dan menemukan penggunanya menggunakan sentral informasi (central directory) dimana setiap nama pengguna dan nomor IPnya tercatat dan mencari tahu apakah setiap pengguna sedang dalam jaringan (online) atau tidak. Sentral informasi ini amatlah besar biayanya ketika penggunanya bertambah hingga jutaan, dengan mendesentralisasikan infrastruktur yang memakan banyak sumberdaya ini, skype berhasil memfokuskan sumber dayanya untuk mengembangkan fungsi. Teknologi jaringan P2P yang digunakan oleh aplikasi “berbagi berkas” (file-sharing) sebenarnya hampir cocok untuk digunakan pada jaringan desentralisasi yang digunakan oleh skype, namun jaringan-jaringan ini secara alamiah telah terbagi-bagi. Pencarian tidak dapat menghubungkan seluruh “ujung” yang terdapat di jaringan. Sehingga untuk dapat berkomunikasi dengan kualitas telepon yang baik dengan biaya serendah mungkin, diperlukan pengembangan generasi ketiga dari teknologi P2P (“3G P2P”) atau dikenal juga dengan Indeks Global (Global Index) disingkat IG – hal ini membuktikan sekali lagi pergeseran paradigma pada istilah “jaringan yang mungkin” . Teknologi IG adalah jaringan berlapis-lapis dimana antara penghubung-super (supernones) saling berkomunikasi dengan cara tertentu sehingga setiap penghubung dalam jaringan memiliki pengetahuan penuh akan setiap pengguna yang ada dan sumberdaya yang digunakannya dalam selubung (jeda panggilan) seminimal mungkin.

Pengarah lalulintas yang pintar (intelligent routing)

Dengan menggunakan seluruh sumberdaya yang ada, Skype mampu mengarahkan dengan pintar panggilan panggilan yang terkode melalui seluruh jalur efektif yang mungkin dilalui. Skype bahkan memastikan berbagai jalur-jalur penghubung tetap terbuka dan secara dinamis berpindah memilih jalur yang terbaik pada saat itu. Hal ini membuat Skype langsung menjadi perhatian orang karena dampaknya dalam mengurangi jeda sambungan dan peningkatan kualitas panggilan dalam jaringan.

Keamanan

Setiap panggilan dan pesan instan dikodekan oleh Skype pada ujung satu dan lainnya untuk melindungi privasi pengguna. Pengkodean ini perlu karena seluruh panggilan/ pertukaran informasi disalurkan menggunakan fasilitas Internet untuk publik.

Mudah digunakan

Dengan perangkat yang mudah digunakan dan bukan mempersulit pengguna, skype dibuat sesederhana mungkin – semua orang yang dapat menggunakan aplikasi Windows dan telepon karena perangkat lunak ini dapat bekerja dengan baik dengan sistem operasi komputer saku (pocket PC), Windows 2000, Windows XP, Windows Vista, Pocket PC, Mac OS X and Linux .

Kekurangan

  1. Penipuan. Layaknya seluruh hubungan yang dilakukan melalui internet, skype juga memiliki masalah yang sama dengan registrasi identitas penggunanya. Registrasi dapat dilakukan tanpa menyerahkan identitas diri yang sah sehingga sebagai pengguna kita dapat memilih untuk tidak meggunakan nama asli dan di pihak yang sama kita berisiko untuk berkenalan dengan orang tanpa tahu identitasnya. Hal ini rentan terhadap penipuan dan kejahatan-kejahatan lainnya.
  2. Kapasitas yang besar. Skype memakan 23MB kapasitas harddisk ketika dipasang, dibandingkan dengan pengirim pesan instan lainnya seperti Yahoo Messenger yang memakan kapasitas lebih kecil sekitar 10-15 MB.
  3. Terhalang oleh waktu dan kesediaan orang yang memanggil dan yang dipanggil. Penggunaan skype dengan metode suara harus dilakukan dengan rencana sebelumnya seperti membuat janji dengan orang yang dituju, karena apabila orang yang dituju tidak siap (terhalang oleh perbedaan waktu atau kesulitan sambungan Internet) maka niat untuk melakukan komunikasi langsung melalui suara bisa jadi sia-sia.
  4. Tidak ada panggilan darurat dengan Skype. Skype tidak dapat digunakan untuk panggilan darurat.


    Sumber: wikipedia bahasa indonesia

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

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