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saco-indonesia.com, Motif pembunuhan wanita hamil ternyata karena telah dibakar oleh api cemburu. Pelakunya seperti diduga semul

saco-indonesia.com, Motif pembunuhan wanita hamil ternyata karena telah dibakar oleh api cemburu. Pelakunya seperti diduga semula adalah suami korban yang dibantu oleh dua temannya. Selain telah meghabisi Desi, ketiga pelaku tersebut juga melukai Fatonah.

Diberitakan sebelumnya, peristiwa itu telah terjadi di rumah orangtua korban Kampung Rawa Bebek RT 10/11. Kelurahan Kota Baru, Bekasi Barat, Minggu(26/1) malam lalu.

Desi Hayatun Nupus yang berusia 20 tahun , tewas dengan luka tusuk muka leher dan kepala, sedangkan ibunya yang sempat melerai keributan itu ( Ny Fatoyah,45,) telah terkena sabetan senjata tajam di punggungnya, Jasad ibu muda dikirim ke RS Polri Kramatjati, sedangkan Ny Fatoyah telah dilarikan ke RS Ananda.

Tersangka Erik yang berusia 30 tahun , kabur dengan menggunakan mobil Daihatsu Sirion warna silver bersama dua temannya. Petugas Polsek Bekasi Barat juga masih terus mencari pelaku.

Menurut Ny Fatoyah menantunya itu cemburu kepada Desi dan selalu mengungkit-ungkit dengan mengatakan kalau sudah janda punya satu anak dan sama orang yang belum tahu identitasnya.

Bahkan sang suami juga kerap meganiaya Desi saat mereka tinggal di apartemen di bilangan Pulogadung, Jakarta Timur.

Tak tahan akan dengan penganiayaan dan kecemburuan suami, akhirnya Desi telah memutuskan untuk pulang ke rumah ibunya Ny Fatoyah di bilangan Rawa Bebek. Di sana Desi juga sempat bekerja di sebuah kafe.

Namun Minggu malam, naas telah menimpa janda yang sedang mengandung ini. Erik bersama dua temannya datang ke rumah Ny Fatoyah. Mereka telah menghabisi nyawa sang istri dengan menggunakan senjata tajam, sementara Ny Fatoyah yang berniat untuk melerai malah kena sabetan senjata tajam .

Sementara Delita,2, anak Ny Desi dari suami pertama hanya bisa menangis.Warga yang telah mendengar teriakan minta tolong tak sanggup untuk menangkap pelaku yang kabur pakai mobil dan mengayun-ayunkan senjata tajam.

Kapolsek Bekasi Barat Kompol Jasalmon Sihombing juga mengatakan pelaku 3 orang dan pihaknya juga masih melakukan pengejaran. Jasad Ny Desi setelah diotopsi di RS Polri dikebumikan di pemakaman Kampung Rawa Bebek


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Setiap ibu tentu ingin selalu bersama dengan buah hatinya.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Setiap ibu tentu ingin selalu bersama dengan buah hatinya. Tetapi bagi para ibu bekerja di luar rumah hal itu tak bisa dipenuhi. Menyewa tenaga pengasuh anak adalah solusi alternatif untuk mengurus si kecil. Meski waktu yang Anda miliki terbatas saat di rumah, Anda tetap bisa menjalin kedekatan dengan anak agar ia tak terlalu "lengket" dengan pengasuhnya.

Menurut Rini Hildayani, psikolog Anak dari Fakultas Psikologi Universitas Indonesia, secara alamiah anak akan lebih mengenali orang yang berinteraksi lebih baik dengannya. Kedekatan dengan anak ini disebut dengan istilah attachment.

Rini memaparkan, pada usia baru lahir hingga 6 minggu merupakan fase preattachment yaitu anak belum dapat mengetahui siapa orang yang dekat dengannya. Usia 6 minggu hingga 6 atau 8 bulan merupakan fase attachment in the making yaitu anak sudah mulai dapat membedakan orang yang dekat dengannya.

Sedangkan usia 6 atau 8 bulan hingga 18 atau 24 bulan merupakan fase clear-cut attachment yaitu dimana anak sudah dapat membedakan dengan jelas orang yang dekat dengannya. Dan usia 18 atau 24 bulan ke atas, fase formation of reciprocal relationship, anak sudah dapat memberikan aksi timbal balik dari kedekatannya dengan seseorang.

Kesibukan seringkali menjadi halangan untuk bisa dekat dengan anak Anda. Namun untuk dapat menjadi orang yang dekat dengan anak, Anda perlu menyiasati waktu pertemuan Anda yang singkat dengannya secara optimal.

"Meskipun secara kuantitas pertemuan Anda dengan anak sedikit, namun jika kualitasnya baik, anak Anda akan merasa dekat dengan Anda," tutur Rini.

Lalu bagaimana cara mendekatkan diri dengan anak meski jarang bertemu? Simak kiat dari Rini berikut ini.

1. Sediakan waktu selama mungkin untuk dihabiskan dengan si kecil. Jika Anda harus bekerja dari pagi hingga malam, pastikan setidaknya Anda memberikan setengah jam untuk bermain dengannya.

2. Jangan sibuk dengan yang lain saat bersamanya. Secara fisik dekatnya saja tidak cukup untuk membuat Anda benar-benar menciptakan kedekatan dengan anak. Upayakan untuk benar-benar fokus pada si kecil dan tinggalkan urusan di luar itu.

3. Optimalkan untuk bermain. Permainan-permainan kecil seperti bernyanyi bersama, atau merespon kata-katanya akan semakin mendekatkan Anda dengan si buah hati.

4. Hargai dia. Ingat, anak Anda bukan barang. Saat akan menggendongnya, mengganti popoknya, atau memberinya makan, pastikan Anda mengajaknya bicara dan meminta "izin" padanya saat akan melakukannya. Selain mengajari kata-kata baru padanya, ini juga akan membantu menciptakan kedekatan.

Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:http://health.kompas.com/read/2013/03/26/15483777/Menjalin.Kedekatan.dengan.Anak.Me ski.Sibuk.Bekerja

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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