Besi Beton tentu bukan istilah yang asing lagi di telinga kita? Namun walaupun sering mendengarnya, seringkali kita tidak bisa m
Besi Beton tentu bukan istilah yang asing lagi di telinga kita? Namun walaupun sering mendengarnya, seringkali kita tidak bisa menjelaskan dengan baik pengertian dari istilah besi beton tersebut.
Besi beton berbeda dengan besi – besi biasa. Besi beton adalah besi yang biasa digunakan untuk penulangan dalam konstruksi beton atau yang biasa dikenal dengan sebutan beton bertulang. Besi beton ini telah memiliki peran yang sangat penting dalam sebuah konstruksi. Beton pada prinsipnya telah mempunyai kekuatan yang terbatas untuk memikul beban. Oleh sebab itu, penulangan pada beton biasanya ditambah dengan beso beton agar konstruksinya menjadi lebih kuat dan akhirnya dapat memikul beban – beban atau gaya yang bekerja sehingga dikenal istilah beton bertulang.
Munculnya istilah beton bertulang karena terdiri dari dua material dalam instrumen pembuatannya yaitu beton dan besi tulangan. Fungsi tulangan dalam beton bertulang adalah untuk dapat menahan gaya atau tegangan tarik yang bekerja pada konstruksi.
Besi beton telah terdiri dari dua macam yaitu besi ulir dan besi dengan bentuk polos. Pada besi bentuk polos, bentuk penampangnya tidak bersirip, permukaannya lincin, dan berbentuk bundar. Sedangkan untuk jenis besi ulir identik dengan bentuk bersirip yang memanjang dengan pola tertentu. Pola tersebut bisa bermacam – macam, bisa sesuai dengan pilihan pola pada proses pembuatannya.
Besi beton sebenarnya bukan hal yang baru lagi dalam dunia konstruksi karena besi beton sudah digunakan sejak tahun 1950 sebagai elemen utama untuk pembangunan gedung – gedung tinggi. Pada awal abad ke-20, banyak gedung – gedung tinggi di Amerika yang menggunakan baja profil dalam struktur utamanya. Pada tahun 50an, konstruksi beton baru mulai ikut ambil bagian dalam konstruksi gedung tinggi.
Sementara itu, di Indonesia sendiri, besi beton biasa digunakan sebagai inti untuk pembangunan gedung karena besi beton lebih mudah didapat dan lebih ekonomis daripada konstruksi lainnya. Saat ini besi beton merupakan bahan yang paling penting dalam konstruksi karena digunakan dalam berbagai macam bentuk misalnya untuk jembatan, drainase, dinding penahan tanah, bendungan, bangunan, dll.
saco-indonesia.com, Meski Piala Dunia 2014 akan diadakan di Amerika Selatan, yang notabene bakal lebih ramah bagi tim nasional A
saco-indonesia.com, Meski Piala Dunia 2014 akan diadakan di Amerika Selatan, yang notabene bakal lebih ramah bagi tim nasional Argentina, perjuangan Lionel Messi dkk juga tidak akan bertambah ringan karena mereka juga harus bermain di hadapan pendukung tuan rumah Brasil.
Meski demikian, pemain yang berjuluk La Pulga itu telah menyebut bahwa dirinya tak gentar dalam menghadapi Seleccao dan tetap menargetkan untuk bermain di final Piala Dunia.
"Saya harap Argentina bisa masuk ke partai final. Bagaikan mimpi yang akan menjadi kenyataan jika saya bisa bermain di pertandingan itu," tuturnya pada FCBarcelona.com belum lama ini.
"Melawan Brasil? Mereka telah memiliki tim yang hebat. Selain telah memiliki kualitas individu yang baik, mereka juga adalah sebuah tim yang solid," tutup Messi.
Argentina berada satu grup dengan negara kuat lainnya seperti Bosnia-Herzegovina, Iran, dan Nigeria.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.
Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.
Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.
The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.
Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.
Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”