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SITUS JASA PENERJEMAH
Penerjemah Online adalah sebuah situs lembaga penyedia jasa translate dokumen resmi perusahaan dan individu yang menawarka
Penerjemah Online adalah sebuah situs lembaga penyedia jasa translate dokumen resmi perusahaan dan individu yang menawarkan solusi tepat bagi Anda pengguna jasa terjemahan selama 24 jam nonstop. Dengan berbekal sarana dan prasarana yang memadai dan didukung penuh oleh staf-staf penerjemah terampil yang kaya akan pengalaman menerjemahkan berbagai dokumen dari dan ke bahasa Jepang, Inggris, Belanda, Arab, Mandarin, Korea, Jerman dan Perancis, lembaga jasa Penerjemah Online sudah sejak tahun 2010 tetap berkomitmen hanya memberikan yang terbaik bagi pelanggan-pelanggan pengguna jasa kami, khususnya dalam penyediaan jasa translate bahasa Jepang, Inggris, Mandarin, Korea, Arab, Belanda, Jerman dan Perancis untuk semua dokumen resmi.
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HARGA BAHAN BANGUNAN MURAH
KARTOGRAFI merupakan bagian dari ilmu geografi yang berhubungan dengan pemetaan. Hal ini berkaitan erat dengan sistem komuni
KARTOGRAFI merupakan bagian dari ilmu geografi yang berhubungan dengan pemetaan. Hal ini berkaitan erat dengan sistem komunikasi antara si pembuat peta dan si pengguna peta. Untuk menyampaikan berbagai informasi, baik berupa informasi grafis maupun informasi atribut, diperlukan media yang tepat untuk menyampaikannya, yaitu dengan menggunakan peta sebagai media komunikasi dalam bentuk hardcopy maupun dalam bentuk softcopy.
Peta-peta ini nantinya dapat digunakan sebagai data dan dokumen baik secara aktual maupun secara periodik untuk memberikan informasi geografis suatu wilayah. Dalam kartografi, baik sebgai salah satu bagian dari ilmu geografi dan dokumen ilmiah, kartografi juga merupakan teknik dan pengetahuan untuk menunjukkan suatu fenomena geografis pada suatu daerah yang dipilih dan digeneralisasi. Baca Artikel Lengkapnya
Kartografi adalah ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta (Prihandito, 1989). Dalam kaitannya dengan survei arkeologi, pembahasan mengenai kartografi pada bab ini tidak langsung dikaitkan dengan ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta, tetapi lebih berkaitan dengan pemanfaatan peta yang sudah dipublikasikan untuk kepentingan survei. Ulasan tentang teknik pemetaan secara garis besar sudah dibahas dalam Bab
Mengingat peta termasuk sebagai perlengkapan utama dalam kegiatan survei arkeologis, maka bab ini selain membahas pemanfaatan peta untuk survei arkeologis, juga akan membahas tentang jenis-jenis peta dan teknik pembacaan peta. Pemanfaatan peta yang dikemukakan dalam bab ini dapat melengkapi ?Pengumpulan Informasi untuk Interpretasi? yang dijelaskan di Bab IV dan survei situs arkeologis yang dijelaskan di Bab VII, VIII, dan IX.
Kesimpulan : Kartografi merupakan suatu seni, ilmu pengetahuan, dan teknologi pembuatan peta.
1. Peta dan Pengenalan Jenis-jenis Peta
MenurutICA(International Cartographic Association), yang dimaksud peta adalah gambaran unsure-unsur permukaan bumi (yang berkaitan dengan permukaan bumi) dan benda-benda diangkasa.
Menurut Erwin Raiz, peta merupakan gambaran konvesional permukaan bumi yang terpencil Dan kenampakannya terlihat dari atas dan ditambah tulisan-tulisan sebagai penjelasnya. Gambaran konvesional adalah gambaran yang sudah umum dan sudah diatur dengan aturan tertentu yang diakui umum.
Menurut Soetarjo Soerjosumarmo, peta adalah lukisan dengan tinta dari seluruh atau sebagian permukaan bumi yang diperkecil denagn perbandingan ukuran yang disebut skala atau kadar.
Peta adalah gambaran permukaan bumi dua dimensi dalam bidang datar yang mempunyai koordinat dan diskalakan.
Peta Rupabumi: Peta yang didalamnya menggambarkan tentang informasi kebumian, seperti jenis penggunaan lahan yang digambarkan dalam simbol piktorial, abstrak dan asosiasi.
Peta dapat diklasifikasikan menurut jenis, skala, fungsi, dan macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan). Ditinjau dari jenisnya peta dapat dibedakan menjadi dua, yaitu peta foto dan peta garis. Peta foto adalah ?peta yang dihasilkan dari mosaik foto udara / ortofoto yang dilengkapi garis kontur, nama, dan legenda? (Prihandito 1989: 3).
Peta ini meliputi peta foto yang sudah direktifikasi dan peta ortofoto. Adapun peta garis adalah ?peta yang menyajikan detil alam dan buatan manusia dalam bentuk titik, garis, dan luasan? (Prihandito 1989: 3). Peta ini terdiri atas peta topografi dan peta tematik.
Ditinjau dari skalanya, peta dapat dibedakan menjadi peta skala besar (1:50.000 atau lebih kecil, misalnya 1:25.000) dan peta skala kecil (1:500.000 atau lebih besar).
Adapun menurut klasifikasi berdasarkan fungsi, terdapat tiga macam peta, yaitu:
Peta umum, yang antara lain memuat jalan, bangunan, batas wilayah, garis pantai, dan elevasi. Peta umum skala besar dikenal sebagai peta topografi, sedangkan yang berskala kecil berupa atlas;
Peta tematik, yang menunjukkan hubungan ruang dalam bentuk atribut tunggal atau hubungan atribut; dan
Kart, yang didesain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical dan aeronautical (Prihandito 1989: 3-4).
Adapun peta yang dapat diklasifikasikan menurut macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan), anta
ra lain meliputi: peta kadaster, peta geologi, peta tanah, peta ekonomi, peta kependudukan, peta iklim, dan peta tata guna tanah (Prihandito 1989: 4).
Di antara macam-macam peta peta tersebut, yang sering digunakan dalam survei arkeologi adalah peta topografi. Peta topografi adalah peta yang menampilkan, semua unsur yang berada di atas permukaan bumi, baik unsur alam maupun buatan manusia, sehingga disebut juga peta umum. Unsur alam antara lain meliputi: relief muka bumi, unsur hidrografi (sungai, danau, bentuk garis pantai), tanaman, permukaan es, salju, dan pasir (Prihandito 1989: 23; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
Adapun unsur buatan manusia di antaranya adalah: sarana perhubungan (jalan, rel kereta api, jembatan, terowongan, kanal), konstruksi (gedung, bendungan, jalur pipa, jaringan listrik), daerah khusus (daerah yang ditanami tumbuhan, taman, makam, permukiman, lapangan olah raga), dan batas administratif (Prihandito 1989: 22; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
Tinggalan-tinggalan arkeologis atau bersejarah seperti bangunan megalitik, candi, gereja, dan reruntuhan bangunan kuna, seringkali juga ditampilkan dalam peta topografi (lihat McIntosh, 1986: 44). Selain menyajikan data keruangan, peta topografi juga memuat data non-keruangan, antara lain grid, graticul (garis lintang dan bujur), arah utara, skala, dan legenda (keterangan mengenai simbol-simbol yang digunakan pada peta)
2. Pemanfaatan Peta
Peta topografi dapat digunakan untuk berbagai macam tujuan, serta dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar (base map) dalam pembuatan peta tematik, seperti peta arkeologi dan peta turis (lihat Prihandito 1989: 17). Dalam survei arkeologi, peta topografi berguna untuk memperoleh gambaran umum tentang wilayah yang diteliti.
Dalam kondisi tertentu, misalnya medan survei yang terlalu berat, peta yang sudah ada dapat dipakai untuk memplotkan temuan arkeologis. Pemetaan tersebut, meskipun hanya bersifat sementara, sangat efektif untuk menyimpan dan menyelamatkan data arkeologis (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 1).
Data dari peta topografi yang diambil untuk membuat peta arkeologi hanya satu atau dua unsur saja, tergantung dari skala dan tujuan pembuatan peta arkeologi itu. Data tersebut digunakan sebagai latar belakang penempatan dan orientasi secara geografis. Selain peta topografi, yang dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar antara lain adalah foto udara, peta geologi, dan peta administratif (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
Besar skala peta dasar yang dibutuhkan untuk membuat peta arkeologi tergantung pada luas wilayah yang akan dipetakan, yaitu:
wilayah seluas provinsi memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:100.000 sampai dengan 1:250.000;
wilayah seluas kabupaten memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:50.000 sampai dengan 1:100.000;
wilayah setingkat kecamatan, desa, atau situs memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:10.000 sampai dengan 1:25.000 (Wasisto 1998, dikutip dalam Hascaryo
dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
Jenis Jenis Peta
Peta daat digolongkan menjadi beberapa dasar yaitu :
Penggolongan berdasarkan skalanya :
Peta skala besar dengan skala 1: 25.000. Peta ini isinya lebih detail contoh peta tofografi.
Peta skala sedang dengan skala 1: 25,000 – 1: 2.000.000 peta ini hanya memuat yang penting penting saja.
Peta skala kecil dengan skala lebih dari 1:200.000.
Penggolongan berdasarkan isi dan fungsinya:
Peta umum (General Map) yaitumpeta yang memuat kenampakan kenampkan umum (lebih dari satu jenis ) memuat kenampakan fisis lamiah da kenampakan budaya. Peta ini lebih berfungsi sebagai orintasi.
Peta tematik yaitu peta yang memuat satu jenis kenampakan saja peta tertentu baik kenampakan fisis maupun kenampakan budaya.
Peta kart yaitu peta yang di desain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical, aeronautical.
Penggolongan berdasarkan tujuannya:
Peta geologi bertujuan untuk menunjukan formasi batuan atau aspek geologi lainnya di suatu daerah.
Peta iklim bertujuan untuk menunjukkan berbagai macam sifat iklim di suatu daerah.
Jenis jenis lainnya : misalnya peta tanah, peta kependudukan peta tata guna lahan dan sebaginya
Penggambaran keadaan muka bumi ke dalam bidang datar yang kemudian disebut peta, merupakan salah satu kebutuhan awal bagi para pengelola dan perencana sumber daya.
peta merupakan gambaran permukaan bumi yang berisi fenomena alam dan fenomena buatan memuat informasi yang diperlukan dalam pengelolaan sumberdaya di berbagai bidang pembangunan termasuk bidang perencanaan tata ruang, kehutanan, perkebunan, pertanian, kelautan, pertambangan dan lain sebagainya.
Secara umum peta diartikan sebagai gambaran konvensional dari pola bumi yang digambarkan seolah olah dilihat dari atas ada bidang datar melalui satu bidang proyeksi degan dilengkapi tulisan tulisan untuk identifiksinya
Peta mengandung arti komunikasi. Artinya merupakan suatu signal atau Channel antara sipengirim pesan ( pembuat peta) dengan si penerima pesan (pemakai peta). Dengan demikian peta digunakan untuk mengirim pesan berupa informasi tetang realita dari fenomena geografi.
Peta pada dasarnya adalah sebuah data yang didesain untuk mampu menghasilkan sebuah informasi geografis melalui proses pengorganisasian dari kolaborasi data lainnya yang berkaitan dengan bumi untuk menganalisis, memperkirakan dan menghasilkan gambaran kartografi.
Informasi ruang mengenai bumi sangat kompleks, tetapi pada umunmya data geografi mengandung 4 aspek penting, yaitu (Zhou, 1998):
Lokasi-lokasi yang berkenaan dengan ruang, merupakan objek-objek ruang yang khas pada sistem koordinat (projeksi sebuah peta)
Atribut (ciri bahan), informasi yang menerangkan mengenai objek-objek ruang yang diperlukan
Hubungan ruang, hubungan lojik atau kuantitatif diantara objek-objek ruang
Waktu, merupakan waktu untuk perolehan data, data atribut dan ruang.
Peta mempunyai beberapa fungsi, yaitu :
Memperlihatkan posisi atau lokasi relatif dari suatu tempat.
Memperlihatkan ukuran dalam pengertian jarak dan arah.
Memperlihatkan bentuk atau unsur yang terdapat di permukaan bumi.
Menghimpun serta menselektif data permukaan bumi.
Berdasarkan jenisnya, peta dapat dikelompokkan sebagai berikut :
1. Peta Topografi
Peta Topografi merupakan peta yang memperlihatkan posisi horisontal serta vertikal dari unsur alam dan unsur buatan manusia dalam suatu bentuk tertentu, dengan memperhatikan sistem proyeksi peta yang digunakan serta skala peta. Umumnya peta topografi dibuat untuk keperluan perencanaan pembangunan, karena pada peta topografi disajikan unsur-unsur permukaan bumi yang sesuai dengan kondisi pada saat pembuatan petanya.
Peta Topografi disebut juga sebagai peta dasar, karena peta topografi digunakan sebagai dasar untuk pembuatan peta-peta lainnya, baik untuk pembuatan peta topografi dengan skala peta yang lebih kecil dari peta aslinya (original map), atau juga untuk pembuatan peta-peta tematik.
Peta yang menyjikan informasi tentang beberapa tipe unsur permukaan bumi, pada peta ini informasi ketinggian tidak disajikan.
Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson
Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.
Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”