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saco-indonesia.com, Agung Rizki yang berusia 20 tahun , yang merupakan tersangka pembunuh Aan Aminah telah mengaku sakit hati pa

saco-indonesia.com, Agung Rizki yang berusia 20 tahun , yang merupakan tersangka pembunuh Aan Aminah telah mengaku sakit hati pada korban karena selama ini telah diperlakukan seperti budak disuruh ngepel, cuci baju dan memijit korban di rumah kos tersebut.

Menurut tersangka yang juga mengaku pacar korban, karena ulah janda satu anak itu sudah keterlaluan, maka pada Selasa (24/12) malam sekitar Pk 19;00, pelaku telah menusuk rusuk kanan korban empat kali. Tak puas menusuk korban , Agung Rizki lalu mencekik kekasihnya hingga tewas.

Menurut Kapolsek Tamansari Kompol Adi Vivid AB, pengakuan dari tersangka tadi baru pemeriksaan sementara. “Kami juga masih terus memeriksa tersangka berkaitan hilangnya harta benda milik korban,” ujar kapolsek yang telah menambahkan bahwa kasus pembunuhan itu telah dilimpahkan ke Polres Metro Jakarta Barat.

Sebagaimana yang telah diketahui, Aan Aminah telah ditemukan tewas dalam kondisi bugil tapi ditutupi pelaku pakai bedcover di rumah kosnya di Jalan Mangga Besar 9 RT012/07 Kel Tangki, Kec. Tamansari, Jakarta Barat, Jumat (27/12) malam lalu.

Korban setelah dihabisi ditinggal pelaku dengan cara kamar digembok dari luar. Baru setelah mayat wanita itu membusuk ditemukan warga.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Wisata Jakarta kali ini akan mengulas sebuah obyek wisata di Jakarta yang telah menjelma bagi masyarakat Jakarta sebagai Lambang

Wisata Jakarta kali ini akan mengulas sebuah obyek wisata di Jakarta yang telah menjelma bagi masyarakat Jakarta sebagai Lambang Kota Jakarta, obyek wisata dan juga telah menjadi sebuah Land Mark dari Kota Jakarta, yaitu Monumen Nasional atau biasa disebut Tugu Monas.

Lokasi wisata ini telah terletak tepat di depan Istana Kepresidenan Republik Indonesia di Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan, Jakarta, dan telah dikelilingi juga oleh berbagai obyek wisata penting dari Jakarta, seperti Museum Gajah, Mesjid Istiqlal, dan Gereja Katolik Khatedral, telah membuat kunjungan wisata ke Monumen Nasional, atau sering disingkat dengan Monas menjadi sebuah pengalaman wisata yang sangat menarik. Apalagi Monas telah dikelilingi oleh lahan hijau yang sangat luas, dan buka setiap hari (kecuali hari Senin di Minggu terakhir tutup), telah memungkinkan kunjungan keluarga di hari Sabtu, Minggu, atau libur sambil berolah raga di kawasan sekitar Monas, sambil mengunjungi Museum Diorama Perjuangan Kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia. Pulangnya jangan lupa mampir ke Mesjid Istiklal, Mesjid terbesar di Asia Tenggara, dan Gereja Katolik Kathedral, gereja yang juga sudah menjadi icon wisata Jakarta.

Dengan berwisata ke Monumen Nasional, kita juga berkesempatan untuk dapat melihat kota Jakarta dari ketinggian 115 m dari permukaan tanah, yaitu dari Puncak Monas, dengan hanya dibatasi oleh sedikit besi pelindung, dengan terpaan angin yang cukup kencang, pastilah telah menjadi suatu pengalaman yang sulit dilupakan. Anda juga bisa melihat kota Jakarta secara bebas sampai keseluruhan pelosoknya, dengan gedung pencakar langit dibawah kita, sebagian ditutupi awan kabut. Suatu pengalaman wisata yang tidak bisa didapat di tempat lain di Jakarta.

Diorama Sekitar Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Indonesia

Monumen Nasional atau Tugu Monas Jakarta adalah sebuah monumen yang telah didirikan untuk dapat mengenang dan melestarikan kebesaran perjuangan bangsa Indonesia yang dikenal dengan Revolusi Kemerdekaan Rakyat Indonesia 17 Agustus 1945, dan untuk dapat membangkitkan inspirasi dan semangat patriotisme bagi generasi sekarang, dan generasi masa mendatang. Pembangunan Tugu Monumen Nasional berdasarkan Keputusan Presiden RI Nomor 214 Tahun 1959, tanggal 30 Agustus 1959 tentang Pembentukan Panitia Monumen Nasional. Pemancangan tiang pertama dilakukan oleh Presiden Republik Indonesia Pertama, Ir. Soekarno pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1961. Pembangunan Tugu Monumen Nasional dibiayai sebagian besar dari sumbangan masyarakat bangsa Indonesia secara gotong royong, dan mulai dibuka sebagai lokasi wisata untuk umum pada tanggal 18 Maret 1972 berdasarkan Keputusan Gubernur KDKI Jakarta Nomor Cb.11/1/57/72.

Arsitektur Monumen Nasional melambangkan lingga dan yoni yang akrab dengan Budaya Bangsa Indonesia di masa Kerajaan Hindu dan Buda. Selain itu juga telah menggambarkan Alu dan Lumpang yang juga merupakan alat rumah tangga untuk mengulek bumbu bahan makanan sehari-hari. Tinggi pelataran cawan sebagai personofikasi dari lumpang adalah 17 m. Luas cawan yang berbentuk bujur sangkar adalah 45 m x 45 m. Sedangkan bagian dalam cawan adalah ruang dengan tinggi ruangan 8 m. Di dalam ruangan yang disebut dengan Ruang Kemerdekaan, ruangannya berbentuk amphitheater mengelilingi 4 Atribut Kemerdekaan RI, yaitu Peta Kepulauan Republik Indonesia, Bendera Sang Saka Merah Putih, Lambang Negara Bhineka Tunggal Ika, dan Pintu Gapura yang berisi Naskah Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia. Semua itu ditujukan untuk dapat mengingatkan kita kembali kepada tanggal Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia, yaitu tanggal 17 Agustus 1945.

Struktur Monumen Nasional Jakarta

Di bawah ruang cawan, yaitu 3 m di bawah permukaan tanah terdapat Ruangan Museum Sejarah seluas 80 m x 80 m dengan dinding, tiang, dan lantainya secara keseluruhan berlapiskan marmer. Di ruang Museum sejarah ini ada 51 jendela peragaan / diorama yang telah mengabadikan peristiwa sejak jaman nenek moyang bangsa Indonesia, perjuangan merebut dan mempertahankan kemerdekaan, sampai kepada masa mengisi kemerdekaan. Selain itu juga ada foto-foto dokumentasi dari proses pembangunan Monumen Nasional Jakarta. Dengan berwisata mengunjungi Monas, dijamin wawasan kita tentang apa arti Kemerdekaan bagi warga Jakarta dan bangsa Indonesia pasti akan bertambah.

Ruang Museum di Monumen Nasional Jakarta

Salah Satu dari 51 Diorama di Museum Sejarah Monas

Pelataran Puncak Tugu Monumen Nasional telah terletak pada ketinggian 115 meter dari halaman Monas, bisa dicapai dengan elevator berkapasitas 11 penumpang (ditambah satu orang pemandu lift dari pengelola, kapasitas sebenarnya 12 orang). Pelataran Puncak luasnya adalah 11 m x 11 m dan dapat menampung sampai 50 orang. Dari sini kita bisa melihat gedung-gedung pencakar langit dan wilayah Jakarta sampai ke ujung. Di sana juga disewakan teropong dengan tarif hanya Rp 2.000,- sekali teropong. Melihat pemandangan Jakarta dari sana sangat menarik, tapi buat yang punya rasa takut akan ketinggian, tidak bisa dipungkiri rasa takut itu akan muncul, seiring menyadari bahwa semua gedung pencakar langit dan awan ada di bawah kita. Apalagi saat angin yang agak kencang menerpa baju kita, seakan-akan akan menerbangkan kita. Yah, tapi itulah salah satu daya tarik dari wisata di Monas. Hitung-hitung sambil berwisata, kita juga memacu adrenalin kita.

Yang menarik adalah, di bagian puncak tugu, diletakkan sebuah bentuk lidah api yang tak pernah padam, melambangkan tekad bangsa Indonesia untuk berjuang yang tidak akan padam sepanjang masa. Lidah api itu dibentuk dari 14,5 ton perunggu yang dibungkus oleh 50 kg emas. Lidah api itu tingginya 14 meter dan berdiameter 6 meter, terdiri dari 77 bagian yang disatukan.Ketinggian puncak lidah api adalah 132 meter dari halaman Tugu Monumen Nasional.

Membayangkan bahwa lidah api dibuat dengan emas 50 kg, pastilah harga yang sangat mahal untuk ditaruh di sebuah tugu. Pada saat tulisan ini ditulis, harga emasnya saya hitung setara dengan Rp. 15 milyar. Suatu harga yang pantas untuk mengingatkan kita agar semangat kita melanjutkan cita-cita perjuangan pendahulu kita tidak padam. Monas memang bukan hanya milik warga Jakarta, tetapi milik bangsa Indonesia. Selamat berwisata di Monas dan menikmati keindahan kota Jakarta dari ketinggian 115 meter di atas tanah. Dan cobalah renungkan betapa tingginya harga yang harus dibayar untuk memperoleh kemerdekaan Bangsa Indonesia. Maka marilah kita ikut mengisinya dengan hal-hal yang berguna bagi kita dan generasi masa depan.
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Wisata Monumen Nasional Jakarta :

    Dibuka untuk kunjungan wisata setiap hari, kecuali setiap Senin terakhir tiap bulan
    Harga tiket masuk wisata ke cawan Rp. 2,500,-/orang untuk dewasa, Rp. 1.000,-/orang untuk pelajar/mahasiswa
    Harga tiket masuk wisata ke pelataran puncak Rp. 7.500,-/orang untuk dewasa dan Rp. 3.500,- untuk pelajar/mahasiswa
    Harga sewa teropong Rp. 2.000,-/koin

 

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

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