Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Ciamis Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Ciamis Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Ciamis
Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 di Kalimantan Timur Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 di Kalimantan Timur
TIDAK SEMUANYA ANAK JALANAN MALAS
saco-indonesia.com, Suatu hari aku bermobil
dengan beberapa teman. Di hampir setiap perempatan yang dilewati selalu ada sekumpulan orang.
Mereka itu ngamen, ngemis, bawa bulu-bulu untuk membersihkan kaca mobil, jual koran, dsb.
Kayaknya itu sudah menjadi pemandangan biasa di jalanan.
Di salah satu perempatan, ketika
berhenti karena lampu lagi merah, seorang teman tiba-tiba berkomentar,
malas banget. Mestinya mereka bisa bekerja dengan lumrah, bukannya malas-malasan ngemis dan
saco-indonesia.com, TIDAK SEMUANYA ANAK JALANAN MALAS
Suatu hari aku bermobil dengan beberapa teman. Di hampir setiap perempatan yang dilewati selalu ada sekumpulan orang. Mereka itu ngamen, ngemis, bawa bulu-bulu untuk membersihkan kaca mobil, jual koran, dsb. Kayaknya itu sudah menjadi pemandangan biasa di jalanan.
Di salah satu perempatan, ketika berhenti karena lampu lagi merah, seorang teman tiba-tiba berkomentar,
“Orang-orang itu malas banget. Mestinya mereka bisa bekerja dengan lumrah, bukannya malas-malasan ngemis dan nodongin orang.”
Komentar yang juga lumrah. Mereka itu tampak sehat walaupun dekil. Spontan aku turunkan kaca mobil. Kupanggil salah satu anak yang lagi mendekat membawa ecek-ecek dari tutup botol.
“Bang, temenku ini mau omong,” panggilku.
Temanku kaget. Pandangan melotot mengandung ancaman diarahkan kepadaku. Tetapi, dia mengulang celutukannya tadi. Dengan kalimat yang lebih sopan, tentunya. Si anak remaja itu dengan tenang mengulurkan tangan tertadah ke dalam mobil dan berkata,
“Kalau Oom bisa memberi saya pekerjaan…apa pun…cabutin rumput, ngurusin sampah, bersihin wc…akan saya kerjakan, Oom.”
Di depan, lampu hijau menyala. Tidak ada waktu lagi buat ngobrol, diskusi, atau pun rapat. Kuletakkan dua logam limaratusan di tangannya sembari pamit dan cabut.
Sambil mengemudi, kurasakan kata-kata si remaja tadi menghantami benakku. Betapa sering aku sendiri menggeneralisasi orang-orang ini. Berada di jalanan berarti malas, tidak mau cari pekerjaan yang layak, tidak mau kerja keras, memilih cara yang gampang untuk cari duit, dst. Vonis yang kayaknya terlalu pagi. Bisa jadi dari antara mereka memang ada yang seperti itu. Tapi, mestinya ada juga orang-orang yang sudah berusaha – dengan cara mereka – dan selalu ketemu jalan buntu. Pasti ada pula yang memang sungguh terdesak dan jalanan menjadi solusi.
Aku jadi ingat anak-anakku. Kebanyakan dari mereka berada di jalanan bukan karena malas. Ada yang lari karena tidak diakui sebagai anak oleh orang tua. Ada yang orang tuanya terlalu miskin untuk menghidupi terlalu banyak anak. Beberapa sudah tidak punya orang tua. Mereka bekerja di jalanan agar tetap bisa makan. Syukur kalau masih bisa sekolah dari hasil ngamen. Aku kenal dua-tiga anak yang keluar dari sekolah dan ngamen untuk biaya sekolah adik-adik mereka. Jalanan menjadi solusi bagi orang-orang ini. Tetapi, semua fakta itu ternyata belum mempertobatkan persepsiku tentang hidup di jalanan.
PANDUAN PENGECATAN TEMBOK DAN DINDING + RAB
Pengecatan yang baik telah membutuhkan persiapan-persiapan yang matang. Persiapan yang benar akan dapat membuat pekerjaan pengec
Pengecatan yang baik telah membutuhkan persiapan-persiapan yang matang. Persiapan yang benar akan dapat membuat pekerjaan pengecatan lebih capat, mudah, dan biaya rendah, selain memberikan hasil akhir yang baik juga lapisan cat lebih tahan lama, selain pemilihan produk yang tepat.
Ada beberapa hal yang telah mempengaruhi keberhasilan pengecatan dinding tembok (bata), yang paling berpengaruh adalah kualitas atau mutu dinding itu sendiri (terlepas dari kualitas cat yang dipakai). Masalah yang sering timbul akibat dari kualitas dinding yang jelek biasanya adalah belang-belang seperti basah (bila kadar air dalam dinding terlalu tinggi), lapisan cat yang menggelembung, dll.
Sedangkan bila yang dipakai cat dinding dengan kualitas rendah maka masalah yang sering terjadi adalah pengapuran, warnanya luntur, dll. Bagaimana kita tahu cat yang kita pakai tersebut berkualitas?. Cat yang berkualitas minimal telah mempunyai empat fungsi yang harus dimiliki diantaranya daya sebar, daya tutup, mudah dalam pengaplikasiannya, dan aman bagi kesehatan lingkungan. Memang semakin tinggi kualitas cat, maka harganya pun juga akan semakin mahal, karena disamping keempat hal pokok diatas, cat yang berkualitas akan dapat memiliki nilai tambah seperti daya tahan terhadap cuaca, anti jamur, tidak memudar (anti fading), mudah dibersihkan (washable), dapat menutup retak rambut (cover hair line crack) serta tambahan pengharum (fragnance).
PROSES PERSIAPAN DINDING
Yang harus di lakukan untuk dapat memulai proses pengecetan adalah menyiapkan permukaan yang akan dicat. Pastikan permukaan dinding bersih dan kering untuk dapat mencegah terjadinya pengelupasan. Biasanya memakan waktu 28 hari agar reaksi pengerasan semen pada plesteran beton mengering dengan sempurna.
Setelah permukaan tembok sudah benar-benar kering, dan sebelum tembok di plamir, lapisi dulu tembok dengan Wall Sealer, guna untuk menetralisir PH semen agar sesuai dengan PH cat. Dengan wall sealer Cat tidak mudah mengelupas dan warna cat tidak akan berubah dari warna aslinya.Cat akan menjadi seperti kapur jika daya serap tembok masih bekerja, untuk itu tembok juga harus dilapisi dengan Wall Sealer, namun jika untuk alasan ekonomis anda dapat melarutkan satu sampai dua bungkus lem putih dalam satu galon air kemudian kuaskan pada tembok sebelum tembok di cat.
PROSES PLAMIR DAN CAT DASAR
Sebelum pengecatan dilakukan ada pekerjaan pendahuluan yaitu plamir dinding. Plamir dinding terdiri dari 3 bagian bahan, yang pertama adalah semen putih, lem putih, dan kalsium. Semua bahan tersebut telah mempunyai fungsi masing - masing.
Penggunaan kalium pada bahan plamir berfungsi sebagai penambah volum dari plamir dan memudahkan penghalusan, namun apabila terlalu banyak justru akan dapat menyebabkan cat yang nanti kita kerjakan menjadi kurang kuat. Sebagian kontraktor bangunan sudah tidak menggunakan kalium sebagai campuran plamir, kecuali pada pekerjaan yang memerlukan harga sangat hemat dan waktu penyelesaian yang relatif cepat.
Teknik melamir yang efektif adalah dengan menggunakan kapi besar atau bahan bekas dari pipa pvc yang dibuat kapi. Dengan mengoleskan pada arah vertikal di dinding kemudian untuk lapis selanjutnya pada arah horisontal, demikian seterusnya sampai dinding menjadi rata. Lapisan yang kedua haruslah menunggu lapisan yang pertama kering dahulu.
Penghalusan menggunakan amplas dengan arah memutar. Alat penghalus otomatis sebaik digunakan agar lebih cepat dalam pengerjaannya.
Setelah diplamir, dilakukan Pelapisan cat dasar atau alkali sealer. Sebelum dilakukan pengecatan dengan cat tembok aplikasikan terlebih dahulu cat dasar alkali sealer, yang berfungsi untuk memberikan lapisan dibawah cat tembok sehingga memperkecil kontak langsung dengan alkali tembok. Selain itu alkali sealer berfungsi memberikan lapisan warna putih sehingga dapat mempercepat penutupan warna cat tembok pada dinding. Alkali sealer berbeda dengan cat putih. Penggunaan cat putih sebagai dasaran pengecatan tidak akan menghindari kontak langsung alkali tembok dengan cat, tetapi hanya berfungsi membantu daya tutup cat tembok saja.
PROSES PENGECATAN DINDING
Proses pengecatan dinding dimulai ketika semua permukaan dinding telah terplamir , sudah dalam keadaan halus teramplas, dan sudah dilapisi dengan cat dasar.
Penggunaan rol memang sangat efektif ketika kita mengecat pada pada bidang dinding yang luas, namun apabila hendak merapikan pada sudut-sudut ruang tetaplah kuas yang digunakan. Sebenarnya dengan menggunakan kuas cat akan lebih terasa hemat karena tidak terlalu banyak yang lengket pada rol kita. Untuk hasil yang sempurna cat tembok jangan terlalu kental, encerkan dengan air 30-35 persen dari total berat cat.
Lapis demi lapis kita cat, cara yang paling cepat agar dinding lekas tertutup rata oleh cat adalah dengan cara bersilangan. Lapisan pertama vertikal atau horisontal, kemudian tunggu kering, lapisan yang kedua kebalikannya.Selang waktu antara setiap lapis harus cukup lama. Secara teoritis adalah 2-4 jam, tetap sebaikny minimal 8 jam atau semalam.
TIPS DAN TRIK DALAM PENGECATAN
1. Kerjakan pengecatan pada siang hari.
2. Mulai dari dekat jendela. menuju ke ruang dalam.
3. Bila mengecat seluruh ruangan, kerjakanlah mulai dari langit-langit yang diteruskan ke dinding dekat kusen jendela, pintu-pintu, dan kemudian ke bagian bawah.
4. Mengecat tiga lapis sesuai dengan anjuran pencampuran air lebih baik dari pada satu lapisan tebal, usahakan menyediakan cat yang cukup unluk area yang akan dicat dengan menghitung iuas area yang akan dicat, jangan mengecat pada suatu bidang yang lebar sekaligus. Batasi bidang pengecafan aniara satu sampai dua meter persegi sekali mengecat. Baru dilanjuttkan ke bidang berikutnya, Perhatikanlah petunjuk-petunjuk mudah pada kemasan cat sebelum bekerja.
5. Lakukanlah pembuangan sisa saat melakukan pengecatan karena kita harus bertanggung jawab terhadap lingkungan dengan menghindarkan membuang limbah/sisa cat ke dalam saluran pembuangan.
6. Terakhir adalah membiarkan sisa cat mengering di wadahnya sebelum dibuang ke tempat sampah.
Dengan mengikuti petunjuk-petunjuk sederhana tersebut pengecatan akan lebih mudah, menghemat waktu, uang dan tenaga. Karena, persiapan permukaan yang benar akan memberikan hasil akhir yang lebih baik dan perrnukaan yang dicatakan lebih tahan lama, jangan mencoba untuk mengecat satu lapisan dengan tebal.
Trik Penggunaan Aci Instan pengganti plamir dan cat dasar
Mengerjakan finishing din-ding semakin mudah dan cepat dengan aci instan. Warnanya yang putih dapat menggantikan dua proses finishing dinding.
Mari kita hitung berapa tahap dibutuhkan sebelum mengecat dinding. Setelah plesteran, dinding mesti diaci. Setelah itu diplamir dan diampelas agar permukaannya halus. Cat dasar perlu diaplikasikan agar cat dinding dapat menutup rata permukaan tanpa menyisakan belang di beberapa tempat. Setiap tahap membutuhkan waktu antara dua-lima hari agar hasil finishing din-ding sempurna.
Proses yang demikian lama dan melelahkan itu, ternyata dapat menjadi singkat dan praktis. Caranya, Anda bisa mensubs-titusi material sehingga dapat menghilang-kan dua tahap pengerjaan, yaitu proses plamir dan pengecatan dasar. Bagaimana caranya?"Dua proses itu bisa dihilangkan jika Anda menggunakan semen aci instan
Aci instan terbuat dari campuran filler, semen putih, kapur, dan zat aditif. Ini menjadikan aci instan dapat merekat erat pada segala permukaan dinding (beton dan plesteran). Daya lentur dan proses pengeringan yang perlahan-lahan menjadikan aci instan sebagai material yang tepat untuk mengurangi retak rambut.
Retak rambut itu bisa terjadi jika proses pengeringan semen berlangsung cepat. Aci instan mengering lebih lama. Dengan demikian, proses muai- susutnya pun lambat, sehingga retak-retak rambut itu berkurang.
Penggunaan aci instan dianjurkan dalam praktik sehari-hari. Meski harga material ini lebih mahal dari semen biasa, tapi sebetulnya bisa hemat. Jika dihitung total biayanya, penggunaan aci instan ini dapat menghemat waktu pengerjaan dan biaya pembangunan.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”
From T Magazine: Street Lit’s Power Couple
THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.
In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.
One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.
But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.
JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”
In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”
That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.
But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.
“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”
THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.
In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.
“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”
They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.
They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”
Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”
The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.
Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”
The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.
Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.
The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”
Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”
Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.
For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”
Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.
The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.
But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:
WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS
“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”
One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”