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Tahallul atau bercukur adalah salah satu ritual haji yang sangat penting dan tidak boleh ditinggalkan, terutama dalam Madzhab Sy

Tahallul atau bercukur adalah salah satu ritual haji yang sangat penting dan tidak boleh ditinggalkan, terutama dalam Madzhab Syafi’i. Meski bercukur terkesan remeh, namun jika ditinggalkan akan membuat ibadah haji tidak sah. Jika demikian, itu artinya diwajibkan untuk mengulang kembali ibadah tersebut pada tahun berikutnya.

Mengapa hal yang begitu remeh dapat membatalkan sesuatu yang jauh lebih besar? Hal itu mengisyaratkan bahwa kelebihan yang dimiliki oleh manusia dengan otak dan daya ciptanya, semua itu berada dalam kuasa Allah SWT.

Dengan diwajibkannya bercukur dalam rangkaian ibadah haji, Allah sejatinya ingin mengajarkan bahwa manusia tetaplah manusia. Ia harus sadar bahwa selamanya dirinya adalah hamba Allah. Manusia harus bersikap khusyuk, tawadhu’ (rendah hati), dan khudhu’. Tiga sikap itu akan mengantarkan mereka menjadi makhluk yang dicintai oleh Allah SWT.

Rambut adalah simbol dari mahkota seorang insan. Rambut adalah perhiasan seseorang dan menjadi lambang kegagahan dan ketampanan. Bertahallul yaitu mencukur rambut adalah simbol dari meletakkan mahkota seseorang. Artinya, orang tersebut menanggalkan kesombongan yang menjadi seseorang tinggi hati dari orang lain.

Semoga dengan rontoknya ribuan rambut di kepala para hujjaj ketika ia bertahallul, maka rontok juga segala ribuan keangkuhan dan kesombongannya yang akan menjadikannya haji yang tawadlu’ dan rendah diri.

Sumber : Republika.co.id

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Haji dan umrah adalah ritual keagamaan yang sejak lama sudah dikenal oleh manusia. Meski ibadah tersebut kini identik dengan uma

Haji dan umrah adalah ritual keagamaan yang sejak lama sudah dikenal oleh manusia. Meski ibadah tersebut kini identik dengan umat Islam, namun sebenarnya umat nabi-nabi terdahulu sudah lebih dulu melaksanakannya.

Ibadah haji sudah dikenal sejak zaman Nabi Adam AS, namun pelaksanaannya masih sangat sederhana dan jauh berbeda dibandingkan dengan ibadah haji yang dilakukan oleh umat Islam saat ini. Menurut Ibnu Abbas RA, setelah membangun Kabah, Adam AS berputar mengelilinginya hingga tujuh kali putaran.

Menurut Abdullah Ibnu Abi Sulaiman, setelah merampungkan tawaf tujuh kali, Adam mengerjakan shalat dua rakaat di depan pintu Kabah dan kemudian berdoa di pintu Multazam. Dalam berbagai riwayat, doa-doa yang dipanjatkan oleh Nabi Adam AS sangat beragam, namun intinya sama, yaitu permohonan kepada Allah SWT agar bersedia mengampuni dosa-dosanya.

Di samping itu ia juga meminta agar anak-cucunya didatangkan untuk berhaji ke Baitullah, dipenuhi segala kebutuhan hidupnya, diteguhkan imannya, dan dibimbing agar senantiasa ridha menerima cobaan atau musibah yang menimpanya.

Beberapa utusan Allah yang hidup pasca Nabi Adam AS seperti Nuh AS, Hud AS, dan Shaleh AS juga mengerjakan ibadah haji ke Baitullah namun dengan tata cara yang tidak sama. Perbedaan tata cara itu disebabkan oleh latar belakang waktu dan tempat di mana nabi-nabi itu diutus berbeda-beda.

Syariat yang dibawa oleh nabi-nabi terus berkembang menuju titik kesempurnaan, dan di tangan Nabi Muhammad SAW kesempurnaan itu akhirnya terwujud. Meski ritual haji di antara para nabi berbeda-beda, akidah atau keyakinan mereka tetap sama, yaitu beriman kepada Tuhan Yang Mahaesa.

Sumber : Republika.co.id

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UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

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