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MUI Belum Fatwakan Umrah MLM MUI Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam dengan tegas menyatakan ibadah umrah dan haji melalui MLM haram. Masy

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MUI Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam dengan tegas menyatakan ibadah umrah dan haji melalui MLM haram. Masyarakat harus berhati-hati agar tak jadi korban praktik penipuan tersebut.\ Sudaryatmo Ketua pengurus Harian YLKI

HEBOH penyelenggaraan haji dan umrah lewat model multilevel marketing (MLM) yang sempat meresahkan masyarakat ternyata belum mendapat fatwa dari Dewan Syariah Nasional (DSN) Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI).Untuk itu, masyarakat diminta berhati-hati dalam memanfaatkan haji dan umrah melalui model tersebut.“Ya, DSN MUI belum mengeluarkan fatwa tersebut, khususnya tentang umrah MLM.Kami khawatir praktik MLM seperti ini bakal merugikan masyarakat, tapi kami mencoba melihat secara adil dampak negatif dan positifnya,” ujar anggota DSN MUI Pusat Muhamad Hidayat pada seminar analisis kritis terhadap modus pemasaran berjenjang pada layanan umrah dan haji dengan tajuk Bom Waktu Gagal Berangkat Massal, di Jakarta, kemarin.Turut hadir dalam seminar yang diselenggarakan Himpunan Penyelenggara Umrah dan Haji (Himpuh) itu, Direktur Pembinaan Haji Kementerian Agama Kartono, Ketua Umum Himpuh Baluki Ahmad, Ketua Pengurus Harian Yayasan Lembaga Konsumen Indonesia (YLKI) Sudaryatmo, dan Ketua MUI Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Teuku Ibrahim Muslih. Hidayat mengemukakan meski belum ada fatwa, pihaknya telah memberikan izin bagi dua penyelenggara haji dan umrah dengan model MLM. “Apabila dalam penyelenggaraan mereka terjadi penipuan yang meresahkan masyarakat di kemudian hari, kita akan laporkan ke pihak berwajib,” tandasnya. Sumber Media Indonesia menjelaskan saat ini kedua penyelenggara umrah dan haji MLM itu ialah AT dan KT. Kedua perusahaan itu memberangkatkan ratusan jemaahumrah dan terdapat belasan ribu orang yang antre dengan sistem MLM. Setiap harinya mereka memberangkatkan 100 jemaah berumrah, dengan menyetor terlebih dahulu sebesar Rp3,5 juta. Direktur Pembinaan Haji Kementerian Agama Kartono mengakui hingga kini kedua penyelenggara itu belum dipanggil. Namun, dia berjanji memanggil kedua perusahaan itu setelah belakangan ini ada pengaduan dari jemaah umrah MLM yang belum juga diberangkatkan. “Kami mengimbau umat Islam berhati-hati. Seminar ini juga bisa buat masukan MUI dan Kemenag,” ujar Kartono. gara haji dan umrah model MLM itu. “Kami tidak merasa tersaingi. Kami hanya ingin citra penyelenggaraan haji dan umrah oleh kalangan swasta tidak terkotori. Lantaran itu, MUI perlu mengkaji lagi soal fatwa itu dan juga pemberian izin,“ katanya. Bila dibiarkan, hal itu bisa menjadi bom waktu yang merugikan masyarakat. Apalagi, seperti dikemukakan Sudaryatmo dari YLKI, selama 10 tahun terakhir telah terjadi berbagai penipuan berkedok investasi. “Maka itu, masyarakat harus berhati-hati agar tak jadi korban praktik penipuan tersebut,“ ujar Sudaryatmo. Dia bahkan mengapresiasi langkah yang dilakukan MUI Aceh. Ketua MUI Aceh dalam seminar tersebut dengan tegas mengemukakan ibadah haji dan umrah melalui MLM haram. “Setelah kami mempertimbangkan secara matang berdasarkan fikih dan syariah, ibadah haji atau umrah MLM ini kami fatwakan haram di Aceh,“ paparnya dalam seminar tersebut. Syarief Oebadillah_Media Indonesia.

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Baca Artikel Lainnya : FADILAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

Untuk dapat menentukan harga besi beton per lonjor/batang, biasanya yang telah menjadi patokan adalah harga besi beton per kg. K

Untuk dapat menentukan harga besi beton per lonjor/batang, biasanya yang telah menjadi patokan adalah harga besi beton per kg. Karena harga besi beton per kg lebih mudah diingat, dan biasanya telah menjadi patokan untuk dapat menentukan harga. Dengan mengalikan berat per batang dalam tabel berat besi beton, dengan harga per kg tersebut, maka kita akan bisa mengetahui harga per batang atau per lonjornya. Saat tidak membawa tabel atau juga tidak ingat berat per batangnya, kita bisa menghitung beratnya sesuai dengan rumus menghitung berat besi beton.

Pada umumnya untuk dapat menentukan harga jual besi beton, dihitung berdasarkan lonjor / batang, karena bisa dipastikan jumlahnya. Sedangkan dalam satu lonjor dengan lonjor yang lain ada selisih berat meskipun sedikit. Sehingga untuk mudahnya dihitung harga per batang.

Selain untuk dapat memudahkan dalam mengingat harga, harga besi beton sering berubah, naik atau turun, yang berbahnya itu bisa dalam hitungan hari atau jam. Ganti hari harga besi beton bisa berganti. Atau bahkan bisa jadi harga pada sore hari berbeda dengan harga saat paginya. Dan tentu dengan menjadikan patokan harga per kg sebagai acuan, maka akan lebih mudah mengkomunikasikan perubahan harga itu pada sesama sales atau bagian marketing dan bagian lain yang terkait dalam perusahaan. Dan juga untuk menginformasikan pada pelanggan, jika ada perubahan harga. Kita tinggal memberitahukan berapa harga per kg. Kemudian bagian lain atau pelanggan itu menghitung sendiri sesuai dengan tabel berat besi beton.

Harga per kg dari besi beton, biasanya dibedakan untuk besi beton polos (BjTP24), dan besi beton ulir (BjTS40). Ada juga perbedaan harga untuk ukuran besar dan ukuran kecil. Misalnya diameter 16 kebawah lebih murah sedangkan ukuran diameter 19 keatas. Perbedaan harga besi beton per kg, untuk masing-masing ukuran itu biasanya disebabkan karena yield yang berbeda dari proses produksinya. Ukuran besar yieldnya lebih kecil karena sisa potong (afalan) lebih besar prosentasenya.

 

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

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