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Jual Genset Perkins di Nias Barat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

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Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sijunjung

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saco-indonesia.com, Pusat Pelaporan dan Analisis Transaksi Keuangan (PPATK), telah mengaku sudah menyerahkan data informasi soal

saco-indonesia.com, Pusat Pelaporan dan Analisis Transaksi Keuangan (PPATK), telah mengaku sudah menyerahkan data informasi soal aliran duit di rekening milik mantan Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat, Anas Urbaningrum kepada Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK).

Langkah itu juga sebagai upaya dalam menelusuri transaksi yang mencurigakan suami Atthiyah Laila itu.

"Seluruh permintaan KPK telah mengenai aliran dana (Anas), juga sudah kami berikan," ungkap Ketua PPATK M Yusuf kepada wartawan, di Gedung DPR, Senayan, Jakarta, Senin (27/1/2014).

Yusuf juga menambahkan, setelah laporan tersebut telah dilaporkan, maka KPK juga sebagai penegak hukum akan dapat mengkaji apakah terindikasi pidana atau tidak.

"Setahu saya dari segi transaksi kita tidak terlibat, mungkin dari perkembangan penyidik," tandasnya.

Sebelumnya, Juru bicara KPK, Johan Budi, juga mengaku meminta bantuan kepada PPATK untuk dapat menelusuri transaksi mencurigakan dari tersangka kasus gratifikasi proyek Hambalang itu. KPK pun juga terus berupaya dalam melakukan pelacakan terhadap aset milik mantan Ketua PB HMI tersebut.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Dari berita Tambo Pagaruyung dapat diketahui bagaiman keadaan Pagaruyung sesudah Adiyawarman demikian pula wawancara dengan S.M.

Dari berita Tambo Pagaruyung dapat diketahui bagaiman keadaan Pagaruyung sesudah Adiyawarman demikian pula wawancara dengan S.M. Taufik Thaib SH. Dikatakan mengenai silisilah raja-raja Pagaruyung adalah sebagai berikut: Adityawarman (1339-1376) Ananggawarman (1376) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bakilap Alam Yang Dipertuan Sultan Pasambahan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Alif gelar Khalifafullah Yang Dipertuan Sultan Barandangan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Patah (Sultan Muning II) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Muning III Yang Dipertuan Sultan Sembahwang Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bagagar Syah Yang Dipertuan Gadih Reni Sumpur 1912 Yang Dipertuan Gadih Mudo (1912-1915) Sultan Ibrahim 1915-1943 gelar Tuanku Ketek Drs. Sultan Usman 1943 (Kepala Kaum Keluarga Raja Pagaruyung) Dari data ini dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa sesudah Adityawarman raja-raja di Pagaruyung sudah menganut agama Islam sesuai dengan sebutan Sultan (pengaruh Islam). Bila Sultan Bakilap Alam memerintah tidak disebutkan oleh tambo tersebut, tetapi dapat diperkirakan sesudah tahun 1409, karena sampai 1409 pemerintahan Pagaruyung masih bersifat sentralisasi seperti sewaktu pemerintahan Adityawarman. Sesudah tahun tersebut pemerintahan Pagaruyung sudah desentralisasi dengan pengertian bahwa nagari-nagari sudah mempunyai otonom penuh dan pemerintahan di Pagaruyung sudah mulai melemah. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa di atas pemerintahan nagari-nagari terlihat adanya dua tingkat pemerintahan yaitu Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai. Rajo Tigo Selo dimaksudkan adalah tiga orang raja yang sekaligus berkuasa di bidang masing-masing. Raja Alam berkedudukan di Pagaruyung sebagai pucuk pimpinan, Raja Adat berkedudukan di Buo yang melaksanakan tugas-tugas kerajaan dibidang adat. Raja Ibadat berkedudukan di Sumpur Kudus dan melaksanakan urusan keagamaan kerajaan. Gambaran ini adalah lembaga pemerintahan di tingkat raja. Sedangkan ditingkat Menteri dan Dewan Menteri yang dimaksud dengan Basa Ampek Balai terdiri dari: 1. Bandaro (Titah) di Sungai Tarab sebagai Perdana Menteri 2. Tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting yang mengurus masalah Agama 3. Indomo di Saruaso mengurus masalah keuangan 4. Makhudum di Sumanik yang mengurus masalah pertahanan dan rantau Masyarakat nagari dalam mengusut persoalannya berjenjang naik sampai ketingkat kerajaan. Dibidang adat dari nagari terus ke Bandaro dan kalau tidak putus juga diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Buo dan kalau tidak putus juga masalahnya diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Alam di Pagaruyung yang akan memberikan kata putus. Begitu juga dalam bidang agama. Dari nagari naik kepada tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting, terus kepada raja Ibadat di Sumpur Kudus, dan bula tidak selesai juga akhirnya sampai kepada raja Alam yang akan memberikan kata putusnya. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa Lembaga Rajo Tigo Selo dibentuk bersama dengan pembentukan Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai. Penobatan dan pelatikan Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai bersamaan pula dengan pengangkatan dan pengiriman “Sultan Nan Salapan” ke daerah rantau Minangkabau yaitu daerah-daerah: Aceh, Palembang, Tambusai, Rao, Sungai Pagu, Bandar Sepuluh, Siak Indra Pura, Rembau Sri Menanti dan lain-lain. Pengangkatan dan pelantikan itu dilakukan oleh Sultan Bakilap Alam. Dalam hal ini Bahar Dt Nagari Basa, mengatakan bahwa Basa Ampek Balai pada mulanya terdiri dari Bandaro di Sungai Tarap, yang menjadi Payung Panji Koto Piliang; Datuk Makhudum di Sumanik yang menjadi Pasak Kungkung Koto Piliang; Indomo di Saruaso yang menjadi Amban Puruak (bendahara) Koto Piliang; Tuan Gadang di Batipuah yang menjadi Harimau Campo Koto Piliang, yaitu Menteri Pertahanan Koto Piliang. Kemudian setelah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dimasukkan Tuan Kadhi sebagai anggota Basa Ampek Balai dan “Tuan Gadang” di Batipuh ke luar dari keanggotaan itu dengan berdiri sendiri sebagai orang yang bertanggung jawab dalam masalah pertahanan Koto Piliang. Semuanya itu terdapat di Tanah Datar yang merupakan pucuk pimpinan di Minangkabau. Selanjutnya dikatakan yang menjadi kebesaran Luhak Agam adalah Parik Paga dan Kebesaran Lima Puluh Kota adalah Penghulu. Dari keterangan itu yang dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai sudah ada sebelum Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dengan bukti seperti yang dikatakan oleh Datuk Nagari Basa dengan susunan yang sedikit berbeda dari apa yang kita kenal kemudian. Baru sesudah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau kedudukan Tuan Kadhi diserahkan untuk mengurus masalah agama Islam. Selanjutnya susunan Basa Ampek Balai dengan Tuan Gadang sudah seperti yang kita kenal sekarang ini. Mengenai susunan pemerintahan Pagaruyung sesudah Adityawarman ini diuraikan dengan lengkap dalam cerita Cindua Mato. Cindua Mato (Candra Mata) adalah sebuah cerita rakyat Minangkabau yang menggambarkan tentang keadaan pemerintahan Minangkabau Pagaruyung di zaman kebesarannya. Walaupun dalam cerita ini mengenai raja-raja yang diceritakan sudah ada unsur legendanya, tetapi yang mengenai masalah lainnya sama dengan apa yang dikatakan Tambo. Menurut Tambo, Basa Ampek Balai pernah memegang kedudukan Raja Alam yaitu sesudah Sultan Alif meninggal, karena orang yang akan menggantikan Sultan Alih masih belum dewasa. Buat sementara dipegang oleh Basa Ampek Bala

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

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