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Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sleman

Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sleman Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sleman

Bojonegoro, begitu nama itu yang dikenal sebagai salah satu kabupaten di Jawa Timur. Letaknya sekitar 67 kilometer dari ibukota Jawa Timur, Surabaya. Meski telah memiliki hasil tambang melimpah, kehidupan masyarakat di Bojonegoro tidaklah makmur seperti perusahaan-perusahaan minyak asing yang menguasainya.

Bojonegoro, begitu nama itu yang dikenal sebagai salah satu kabupaten di Jawa Timur. Letaknya sekitar 67 kilometer dari ibukota Jawa Timur, Surabaya. Meski telah memiliki hasil tambang melimpah, kehidupan masyarakat di Bojonegoro tidaklah makmur seperti perusahaan-perusahaan minyak asing yang menguasainya.

Dalam hal pendidikan misalnya. Jangankan sekolah bertaraf internasional mau berinvestasi di wilayah ini, sekolah negeri pun keadaannya juga sungguh miris. Apalagi keadaan rumah sakitnya, hanya ada satu rumah sakit pemerintah dengan kondisi yang memprihatinkan. Satu rumah sakit itu bernama RS Veteran berada dekat dengan alun-alun dan tidak jauh dari kantor Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Bojonegoro.

Cerita punya cerita, pemimpin negeri ini pun tidak mampir menginjakkan kakinya di Bojonegoro. "Tidak ada satu presiden yang menginjakkan kakinya di sini. Tidak tahu kenapa," kata Gus Mul, salah seorang tokoh masyarakat di Bojonegoro saat berbincang dengan merdeka.com Senin lalu.

Seingatnya, dari enam presiden Indonesia, hanya Soekarno yang 'berani' datang ke Bojonegoro. Gus Mul tidak mengetahui kenapa presiden tidak mampir ke Bojonegoro. Namun, dari cerita yang dia tahu, ada mitos yang beredar di kalangan masyarakat bahwa jika presiden mampir di Bojonegoro, dia akan turun dari tahta.

Sebagai seorang tokoh pemuka agama, Gus Mul mengenyampingkan mitos tersebut. "Itu hanya mitos. Kalau mau datang ya datang saja," ujar Gus Mul.

Selain daerah menghasilkan minyak bumi, Bojonegoro dikenal daerah religius. Hal ini karena banyaknya Pondok Pesantren - khususnya Nahdlatul Ulama - yang berdiri di wilayah ini. Namun, apakah benar presiden enggan datang ke Bojonegoro karena mitos turun tahta?

Saco-Indonesia.com - Manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya matang pasti sudah banyak yang mengetahuinya.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya matang pasti sudah banyak yang mengetahuinya. Namun tak hanya pepaya yang sudah matang dan berwarna orange saja yang memiliki manfaat kesehatan. Bahkan pepaya yang masih belum matang pun memiliki efek baik untuk kesehatan tubuh.

Pepaya muda atau yang belum benar-benar matang biasanya berwarna hijau dan belum memiliki biji. Bagian dalamnya biasanya berwarna lebih putih. Pepaya muda memang tak sepopuler pepaya yang sudah matang, ini karena pepaya matang lebih enak dan lebih mudah dikonsumsi.

Pepaya muda mengandung banyak vitamin dan mineral seperti potasium, magnesium, vitamin A, C, B, dan E. Selain itu, pepaya muda juga mengandung enzim papain dan chymopapain yang baik untuk perut. Berikut adalah beberapa manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya muda, seperti dilansir oleh Boldsky (08/03).

1. Menjaga pencernaan
Enzim papain dan chymopapain yang ada pada pepaya muda membantu menjaga kesehatan pencernaan dan terbentuknya gas dalam perut. Dengan begitu, pepaya muda tak akan menyebabkan kembung dan membuat sistem pencernaan bekerja lebih lancar.

2. Meningkatkan sistem kekebalan tubuh
Baik pepaya muda ataupun biji pepaya diketahui baik untuk meningkatkan sistem kekebalan tubuh. Pepaya kaya akan vitamin A, C, dan E. Pepaya muda juga diketahui bisa mencegah infeksi, pilek, dan batuk.

3. Menyembuhkan konstipasi
Papain yang ada dalam pepaya muda membantu mengatasi konstipasi secara alami. Bahkan pepaya yang sudah matang pun tak memiliki papain sebanyak pepaya muda.

4. Membersihkan usus
Mengonsumsi jus pepaya muda adalah salah satu cara terbaik dan termudah untuk membersihkan usus. Semua nutrisi dan mineral di dalamnya juga bisa menyehatkan pencernaan, tak hanya membersihkannya dari zat beracun dan kotoran yang tak diinginkan.

5. Meningkatkan produksi ASI
Bagi ibu yang sedang menyusui, pepaya muda sangat baik untuk meningkatkan produksi ASI. Dengan begitu ibu tak perlu khawatir ASI yang diproduksi tak cukup untuk si buah hati.

6. Melindungi dari infeksi saluran kemih
Pepaya muda juga melindungi sistem pengeluaran tubuh dan melindunginya dari infeksi saluran kemih. Konsumsi jus pepaya muda untuk mencegah berkumpulnya bakteri pada saluran kemih.

Itulah beberapa manfaat pepaya muda untuk kesehatan. Pepaya muda memang tak seenak pepaya yang sudah matang. Namun jangan ragu untuk mengonsumsinya karena pepaya muda juga memiliki banyak manfaat untuk kesehatan.

Editor : Maulana Lee

Sumber : merdeka.com

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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