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Jual Genset Foton di Solok Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Foton di Solok Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Genset Foton di Solok

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Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Kolaka

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Kolaka Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Kolaka

saco-indonesia.com, Bupati Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah, Sutedjo Slamet Utomo telah menetapkan wilayahnya dalam kondisi siaga darura

saco-indonesia.com, Bupati Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah, Sutedjo Slamet Utomo telah menetapkan wilayahnya dalam kondisi siaga darurat bencana. Penetapan tersebut telah dilakukan untuk dapat mengantisipasi bencana longsor yang hampir terjadi setiap tahun yang terjadi di Kabupaten Banjarnegara.

"Masa tanggap darurat longsor telah ditetapkan sejak 21 Desember 2013 hingga 3 Januari 2014 mendatang . Sedangkan masa siaga darurat longsor, banjir dan angin puting beliung akan ditetapkan mulai 1 Desember 2013 hingga 28 Februari 2014 mendatang ," kata Sutedjo.

Dalam rentang waktu sejak 19-24 Desember 2013, TELAH tercatat ada beberapa bencana alam yang terjadi di Kabupaten Banjarnegara. Bencana tersebut telah disebabkan oleh curah hujan yang deras, tingginya kerentanan dan batuan labil.

Dari catatan Pemkab, dalam seminggu terakhir, terdata 60 titik di 32 desa yang telah tersebar di 13 kecamatan terjadi bencana alam. Akibat dari bencana tersebut, telah menyebabkan 1 warga meninggal dunia. Sedangkan dalam bentuk kerugian material, sedikitnya 32 rumah rusak berat, 21 rusak sedang, 56 rusak ringan, 135 rumah terancam dan 46 kepala keluarga mengungsi di 5 desa.

Selain itu, kerusakan infrastruktur juga terjadi di 23 titik. Kerusakan infrastruktur telah meliputi jalan, jembatan, sekolah, dan irigasi. Total kerusakan diperkirakan telah mencapai Rp 1,4 miliar. "Saat ini upaya yang telah dilakukan oleh BPBD bersama TNI, Polri, relawan dan masyarakat dengan melakukan evakuasi, pendirian posko, pengiriman logistik, pembersihan material longsor," jelas Sutedjo.

Sementara itu, Kepala Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana (BNPB), Syamsul Maarif, dalam kunjungan kerja ke lokasi longsor di Banjarnegara pada rabu (25/12) kemarin, telah mengapresiasi kinerja Pemkab Banjarnegara dalam penanganan bencana longsor. Selain itu, ia juga meminta adanya peraturan daerah dan pembangunan di Banjarnegara bisa menjauhkan warga dari risiko ketika hidup di daerah bencana alam.

"Bentuk Perda-nya bisa dengan aturan agar tempat hunian lama tidak dihuni kembali, setelah warga relokasi dan bisa dijadikan kawasan konservasi sehingga tidak timbul korban. Selain itu, penduduk juga harus dilibatkan dalam proses pembangunan," ujarnya.

Lebih jauh, ia juga menekankan program penghijauan yang dicanangkan Pemkab, tidak semata hanya berorientasi pada hijau daun, tetapi harus memberikan manfaat ekonomi. "Tanamannya harus mampu mengikat tanah dan ada nilai ekonominya, sehingga bio-engineering bisa dilakukan masyarakat," pesannya.

Dalam kesempatan tersebut, Syamsul juga menyerahkan bantuan dana siap pakai Rp 250 juta, serta logistik peralatan untuk penanganan darurat di Banjarnegara.


Editor : Dian sukmawati

Penyidik Unit Jatanras Satreskrim Polresta Bekasi Kota , telah mendalami keterangan dua orang saksi dari teman Ahmad Imam Al Haf

Penyidik Unit Jatanras Satreskrim Polresta Bekasi Kota , telah mendalami keterangan dua orang saksi dari teman Ahmad Imam Al Hafitd alias Hafiz. Pendalaman itu telah dilakukan untuk dapat mengetahui apakah ke dua orang itu telah terlibat atau tidak. "Status masih sebagai saksi, hasilnya belum dapat disimpulkan, karena pemeriksaan masih berlangsung," kata Kepala Sub Bagian Humas Polresta Bekasi Kota, AKP Siswo di Bekasi. Siswo juga mengatakan, pihaknya juga belum dapat menyebutkan identitas dua orang laki-laki yang mengantarkan accu ketika mobil Hafiz mogok, saat hendak membuang jasad Ade Sara Angelina Suroto. Hasil pemeriksaan terhadap dua orang tersangka Hafiz dan Assifa, dua orang itu juga mengetahui bahwa mereka telah membawa mayat. Namun, ketika itu dua orang tersebut hanya terdiam dan tak banyak bicara ketika menanyakan seseorang yang ada di dalam mobil. "Mayat," jawab Hafitd saat ditanya ihwal seseorang yang berada di dalam mobil. "Entah itu membantu dalam pembunuhan atau hanya tahu tapi diam saja, belum bisa disimpulkan," katanya. Ade Sara Angelina telah dibunuh secara keji oleh pasangan kekasih Ahmad Imam Al Hafitd yang berusia (19) tahun dan Assifa Ramadhani yang berusia (18) tahun . Korban dianiaya dengan cara disetrum, cekik, dan disumpal mulutnya dengan menggunakan kertas dan tisu. Jasadnya lalu dibuang di dalam tol JORR KM 49, Bekasi Barat, Kota Bekasi pada Selasa malam lalu.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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