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Anis Matta: Jika Luthfi Memang Bersalah, Kami Wajib Minta Maaf ke
Presiden Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Anis Matta ditanyai soal kasus dugaan korupsi
kuota impor daging sapi dalam dialog tentang kondisi umat Islam Indonesia dan dunia di Kabupaten
Sampang, Jawa Timur, Senin (3/6/2013) malam.
— Presiden Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Anis Matta ditanyai soal kasus dugaan korupsi kuota
impor daging sapi dalam dialog tentang kondisi umat Islam Indonesia dan dunia di Kabupaten
Sampang, Jawa Timur, Senin (3/6/2013) malam. Kasus ini turut menyeret mantan Presiden PKS Luthfi
Anis mengatakan, kasus itu murni persoalan pribadi Luthfi. PKS,
katanya, tidak ikut campur. Sebelumnya, saat kasus ini terkuak, Anis dan PKS menduga ada
konspirasi di balik kasus itu.
Dia menegaskan, PKS kini menunggu proses
hukum berlangsung hingga tuntas. Menurut Anis, bila Luthfi ternyata dinyatakan terbukti
bersalah oleh pengadilan, ia sebagai Presiden PKS akan meminta maaf kepada seluruh rakyat
Kami di PKS adalah manusia biasa yang tidak luput dari khilaf. PKS tentu
berharap LHI dinyatakan tidak bersalah, tetapi bila sebaliknya, saya wajib meminta maaf kepada
seluruh rakyat Indonesia.
"Kami di PKS adalah manusia biasa yang tidak luput dari khilaf. PKS tentu
berharap (LHI) dinyatakan tidak bersalah, tetapi bila sebaliknya, saya wajib meminta maaf
kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia," kata Anis dalam keterangan tertulisnya, seperti dikutip
Antara, Selasa (4/6/2013).
Dalam kasus dugaan korupsi kuota impor
daging sapi, KPK menetapkan Luthfi sebagai tersangka bersama orang dekatnya, Ahmad Fathanah.
Keduanya diduga menerima pemberian hadiah atau janji dari PT Indoguna Utama terkait
kepengurusan tambahan kuota impor daging sapi untuk perusahaan itu. Dalam pengembangannya, KPK
menjerat Fathanah dan Luthfi dengan pasal tindak pidana pencucian uang (TPPU).
Dialog dengan kiai
Presiden PKS Anis Matta dan
rombongan DPP PKS berada di Madura dalam rangkaian safari silaturahim se-Jawa dan Indonesia
bagian timur. Dalam dialog yang dihadiri sekitar 300 kiai, habib, dan tokoh masyarakat se-Madura
itu, Anis menegaskan perlunya seluruh komponen umat Islam melupakan perbedaan kecil antara satu
dengan yang lain dan sebaiknya fokus pada persamaan pemikiran atas banyak hal.
"Mari kita melupakan perbedaan kecil dan fokus pada kerja-kerja besar kita bersama.
Kita semua di sini memiliki persamaan pandangan terhadap banyak hal. Ini perlu agar umat Islam
lebih menyatu dalam barisan yang besar dan kuat," katanya.
menegaskan, dunia Barat, khususnya di Amerika Serikat dan Eropa, dalam beberapa tahun belakangan
memiliki minat kuat untuk mengenal Islam yang sesungguhnya. Pada saat yang sama, menurut dia,
masyarakat Barat melihat Indonesia sebagai wajah Islam yang damai.
"Indonesia sekarang menjadi model sebab di tengah banyaknya mazhab dan keragaman etnis
maupun kelompok, kita tetap damai. Berbeda dengan saudara kita di belahan dunia lain yang justru
terus bertikai," ujar Anis.
Cargo Minang Express adalah Perusahaan penyedia jasa kirim barang murah (outgoing - dari padang ke seluruh wilayah indonesia) da
Cargo Minang Express adalah Perusahaan penyedia jasa kirim barang murah (outgoing - dari padang ke seluruh wilayah indonesia) dan jasa handling (incoming dari jakarta) di wilayah sumatera barat, via udara, darat dan laut. Kami telah mengutamakan kecepatan pengiriman dan kepuasan pelanggan.
Kami juga telah menyediakan jasa:
Specialist handling project di wilayah sumatera barat.
Melayani pengiriman direct jakarta tujuan ke sumatera barat (via udara, darat maupun laut)
Pengiriman & packaging barang dari padang ke seluruh wilayah indonesia.
Melayani charter trucking colt diesel, fuso, tronton, fuso lost bak, wing box, low bath truck
Specially Door-to-door service (dari padang ke seluruh wilayah indonesia)
Specialist Handling Udara, darat dan laut diwilayah sumatera barat.
Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake
KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.
Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.
“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”
Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”