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Ini sosok Ibrahim Mat Zin, raja dukun di Malaysia yang sakti
Hilangnya pesawat Malaysia Airlines MH370 saat mengudara di atas Laut China Selatan mengejutkan banyak pihak.
Saco-Indonesia.com - Hilangnya pesawat Malaysia Airlines MH370 saat mengudara di atas Laut China Selatan mengejutkan banyak pihak. Pesawat yang tengah melakukan penerbangan menuju Beijing, China ini tak pernah sampai ke tempat tujuan.
Tujuh negara di dunia lantas ikut memberi bantuan, berbagai armada kapal perang maupun pesawat militer pun ikut dikerahkan. Namun, sejak dikabarkan menghilang pada Minggu (9/2) lalu, tim SAR belum berhasil menemukan tanda-tanda jatuhnya pesawat itu.
Ternyata, proses pencarian itu tak hanya melibatkan tim SAR yang dikerahkan dari tujuh negara. Seorang dukun terkenal asal Malaysia pun ikut melibatkan diri dalam pencarian tersebut.
Adalah Ibrahim Mat Zin, pria berusia 80 tahun. Lengkap dengan jas dan dasi warna merah melakukan ritual di pintu masuk ruang VIP Bandara Internasional Kuala Lumpur (KLIA). Pemandangan ini menjadi perhatian setiap orang dan calon penumpang yang berada di dalam bandara. Sejumlah media setempat pun ikut meliput.
Bermodalkan bambu dan replika pesawat yang terbuat dari rotan, Ibrahim lantas melakukan ritual singkat. Melalui teropong bambu, dia menyatakan pesawat itu terjebak di alam gaib.
"Saya tidak dapat menjelaskan secara terperinci soal keselamatan mereka (penumpang), tetapi percaya pesawat itu mungkin berada antara dua alam atau disembunyikan di alam gaib," kata dia.
Lalu siapakah Ibrahim Mat Zin?
Penelusuran merdeka.com, Ibrahim memiliki gelar Datok Mahaguru. Tak hanya itu, ia juga menyandang gelar Raja Dukun di Malaysia.
Raja dukun ini mengklaim telah berpengalaman 50 tahun di dunia gaib. Namanya mulai dikenal masyarakat Malaysia ketika menawarkan bantuan pencarian korban pada sejumlah kasus besar, di antaranya runtuhnya Highland Tower, banjir Kuala Dipang dan kasus pembunuhan pakar politik yang melibatkan Mona Fendy.
Melalui aku facebook miliknya, Ibrahim mengaku mendapatkan keahliannya dari sebuah ritual khusus saat masih berusia 10 tahun, yakni melalui tujuh ujian berat.
Cara pertama yang dilakukannya adalah melakukan pertapaan selama 100 hari. Selama pertapaan itu, dia diwajibkan memakan jagung sehari sepotong serta seteguk air zam-zam yang keluar dari dalam gua.
Selama pertapaannya, Ibrahim mendapat tujuh godaan, yakni munculnya berbagai binatang, seperti katak, ular, kalajengking, beruang, harimau dan naga. Selama pertapaannya, sempat muncul sesosok perempuan cantik yang sedang menikmati masakan lezat.
Tak hanya memperkenalkan diri melalui Facebook, Ibrahim juga rajin membuat video tentang dirinya sendiri. Video tersebut diunggahnya di situs berbagi Youtube.
Salah satu videonya yang berjudul 'Jasa & Bakti Raja Bomoh Kepada Negara Malaysia' itu, Ibrahim mengaku sudah berbakti pada negerinya sejak 1949. Dia mengklaim ramalannya soal kemenangan Barisan Nasional pada pemilu di Malaysia terbukti.
Editor : Maulana Lee
Sumber : merdeka.com
CARA MERAWAT AKI BASAH
saco-indonesia.com, Banyak orang yang telah bingung ketika saat menghidupkan mesin kendaraannya tiba-tiba ngadat. Hal ini bisa t
saco-indonesia.com, Banyak orang yang telah bingung ketika saat menghidupkan mesin kendaraannya tiba-tiba ngadat. Hal ini bisa telah terjadi karena berbagai hal, salah satunya adalah karena aki yang sudah tidak berfungsi dengan baik. Aki juga merupakan sumber energi yang biasanya digunakan untuk alat-alat elektronik, kendaraan dan lain sebagainya. Aki itu sendiri telah terbagi menjadi dua yaitu aki basah dan aki kering. Tentunya keduanya juga telah memiliki kelebihan dan kekurangannya sendiri-sendiri. Jika Aki basah dibutuhkan perawatan yang lebih telaten dibandingkan dengan aki kering, tetapi jika kita tahu cara merawat aki basah, maka aki basah akan mempunyai umur yang lebih lama jika dibandingkan aki kering.
Sebagai salah satu sumber kelistrikan pada kendaraan, tentunya kita juga tidak ingin aki kendaraan kita gampang mati. Karena itu disini kita akan mengulas salah satunya saja, yaitu bagaimana cara untuk merawat aki basah agar awet dan bisa dipakai dalam kurun waktu yang lama.
Cara Merawat Aki Basah Yang Benar
Langkah-langkah cara merawat aki basah :
Anda jangan malas untuk selalu memeriksa air aki. Pemeriksaan juga bisa dilakukan secara berkala, dan air aki juga harus lebih tinggi dari batas Low dan juga berada di bawah batas Upper Level.
Tambah air aki jika air aki sudah berkurang dan berada di bawah level Low. Gunakan air aki biasa, jangan menggunakan air aki zuur, karena air aki zuur telah digunakan saat pertama saja.
Penambahan air aki sebaiknya pada pagi hari sebelum mesin dinyalakan.
Penggunaan arus listrik Aki juga harus sewajarnya. Anda juga harus membatasi pemakaian arus sesuai kapasitas dari aki yang digunakan, karena jika over maka aki akan mudah mati.
Hati-hati terhadap hubungan pendek antara kutub positif dan negatif, karena hal tersebut juga bisa menyebabkan kerusakan pada sel aki.
Periksa katup krem yang ada di aki, jika Anda telah mendapati dalam keadaan longgar maka segera kencangkan.
Aki yang telah mendapat goncangan terlalu keras juga dapat mempengaruhi umur aki tersebut, maka pastikan aki terlindungi dengan memperhatikan penjepit aki/braket aki tetap kokoh.
Bersihkan aki dari debu dan berikan sedikit gemuk pada kutupnya agar tidak mudah berkarat atau berjamur.
Periksa secara keseluruhan fisik aki, apakah ada keretakan pada fisik, plug aki yang tidak tertutup dengan baik dan juga jangan lupa memperhatikan bagian ventplug, mampet atau tidaknya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior
Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.
“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.
One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.
“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”
Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.
His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.
“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”
Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.
The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.
Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.
The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.
Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.
“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”
Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.
Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.
Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.
Play was tough and fights were frequent.
“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”
Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.
“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”
A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.
And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.
Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.
“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”