Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Pontianak Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Pontianak Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Pontianak
Jual Sparepart genset LOVOL OPEN DAN SILENT KAP 45KVA -175KVA Murah di Tuban Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Sparepart genset LOVOL OPEN DAN SILENT KAP 45KVA -175KVA Murah di Tuban
INTERNAZIONALE VS AC MILAN
saco-indonesia.com, Internazionale telah berhasil untuk memenangi pertandingan Derby Della Madoninna kontra AC Milan. Gol tungga
saco-indonesia.com, Internazionale telah berhasil untuk memenangi pertandingan Derby Della Madoninna kontra AC Milan. Gol tunggal Rodrigo Palacio di menit ke 86 telah menjadi gol satu-satunya dalam pertandingan tersebut yang telah diselenggarakan di Stadion Giuseppe Meazza (23/12).
Babak pertama dimulai Internazionale langsung melancarakan serangnan melaui Fredy Guarin tetapi dapat digagalkan oleh AC Milan. Tak ingin kalah, Milan juga mencoba menjebol pertahanan Internazionale melalui Mario Balotelli tetapi tendanganya masih membentur Juan Jesus.
Di menit ke 10, Balotellli juga mempunyai peluang emas, tetapi sayangnya tendangan Balotelli di dalam kotak penalti Internazionale masih menjauh di atas gawang Handanovic. skor masih 0-0.
Menit ke 11, sepakan bola deras dari Kaka untungnya masih dapat diatasi oleh Handanovic. 20 menit awal Internazionale nampaknya tertekan oleh serangan dari AC Milan. Inter juga mencoba untuk keluar dari sarangnya, melalui umapn taider ke dalam kotak penalti AC Milan, sundulan Nagatomo masih melebar dari gawang Abbiati.
Di menit ke 30, kedua tim masih imbang dengan skor 0-0. Milan juga masih mendominasi pertandingan, kali ini Muntari ingin mencoba peruntungannya tetapi masih melebar dari gawang Internazionale. Permainan kedua tim sudah menjurus kasar, hal ini telah terlihat dari beberapa kali pelanggaran yang dilakukan oleh kedua tim.
Di menit ke 40, Palacio telah dijatuhkan di dalam kotak penalti oleh Muntari, tetapi wasit tidak melihat pelanggaran. Hingga babak pertama berakhir skor tetap 0-0.
Babak kedua dimulai, menit ke 47, Palacio telah berhasil mengirimkan operan kepada Jonathan, pemain asal Brasil ini pun juga langsung menembakkan bola dengan keras, sayangnya masih bisa ditangkap dengan mudah oleh Abbiati. Inter hampir saja telah membuka keran golnya melalui sundulan Campagnaro yang sudah mengarah ke gawang, untungnya masih bisa dihalau oleh Zapata.
Mario Balotelli juga bisa menjadi ancaman nyata bagi Internazionale, beberapa kali Balotelli telah mempunyai peluang di depan gawang Handanovic sayangnya Balotelli belum bisa mengoptimalkan peluang. Di menit ke 65 Nagatomo juga melepaskan tendangan keras ke gawang Abbiati, sayangnya bola juga masih mengarah tepat ke arah kiper.
Di menit ke 72, Balotelli telah melakukan tendangan bebas, tendangannya masih mengarah jauh dari gawang Handanovic. Kedua tim nampaknya masih sulit untuk bisa menembus pertahanan masing-masing tim. Sehingga serangan kedua tim masih gamapng untuk dipatahkan.
Memasuki menit ke 80, beberapa kali sisi kanan pertahanan AC Milan telah menjadi pusat serangan awal Inter. Palacio hampir saja mencetak gol pertama bagi Inter, untungnya tendangan datar Palacio masih bisa ditepis oleh Abbiati di menit ke 81.
Menit ke 86 akhirnya Inter dapat menjebol gawang AC Milan, berawal dari umpan datar Guarin, Palacio dengan mudah memasukkan bola ke gawang. 1-0 bagi Internazionale.
Sadar tertinggal, AC Milan semakin menyerang, sayangnya dari beberapa serangan dapat dipatahkan oleh pemain bertahan Internazionle. Menit ke 90 Muntari harus di kartu merah karena mendorong Kuzmanovic terlebih dahulu. Hingga babak kedua berakhir, Inter tetap memimpin skor 1-0.
AC MILAN (4-3-2-1): Abbiati; De Sciglio, Bonera, Zapata, Constant (Emanuelson 45"); Poli (Pazzini 87"), De Jong, Muntari; Saponara (Matri 76"), Kaka; Balotelli.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
INDONESIA DITUDING PENYEBAB BANJIR INGGRIS
saco-indonesia.com, Cuaca ekstrem juga telah melanda Eropa, termasuk Inggris. Di negerinya Ratu Elizabeth itu kini juga sedang d
saco-indonesia.com, Cuaca ekstrem juga telah melanda Eropa, termasuk Inggris. Di negerinya Ratu Elizabeth itu kini juga sedang dilanda banjir besar.
Met Office (officially the Meteorological Office) atau Badan Meteorologinya Inggris telah menarik kesimpulan bahwa cuaca di eropa telah terpengaruh dari cuaca ekstrem dari belahan bumi lain, termasuk Indonesia.
Menurut Met Office, cuaca ekstrem ini telah terjadi di dua kawasan, yakni Atlantik dan Pasifik. Cuaca buruk di Atlantik telah dipengaruhi oleh pola perubahan awan di atas Samudera Pasifik dan Amerika Utara.
Kondisi itu juga erat hubungannya dengan munculnya badai di Inggris selama bulan Desember dan Januari tahun ini.
Met Office telah melanjutkan, ada perubahan besar arah angin di Pasifik yang telah didorong oleh pola peningkatan curah hujan di Indonesia dan kawasan tropis di Pasifik Barat.
"Terutama dipengaruhi peningkatan suhu laut yang semakin tinggi dan meningkat di atas normal."
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”
Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake
KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.
Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.
“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”
Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.