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saco-indonesia.com, Polisi masih akan memburu pembunuh Dedi Sulaiman yang berusia 48 tahun , yang telah ditemukan tewas dalam ke

saco-indonesia.com, Polisi masih akan memburu pembunuh Dedi Sulaiman yang berusia 48 tahun , yang telah ditemukan tewas dalam keadaan luka sayatan pada bagian kantong kelaminya di Jalan Anggrek, RT 02/03, Kel. Cisalak Pasar, Kec.Cimanggis Kota Depok.

Menurut Kapolsek Cimanggis, Kompol Bambang Irianto SH, pihaknya juga telah membentuk tim khusus untuk dapat mengejar pelaku. “Pelaku kita perkirakan berjumlah dua orang, dan sekarang anggota masih mengejarnya di daerah Lampung,”ujar Kapolsek.

Kapolsek juga mengatakan, korban diduga dibunuh oleh rekanan sesama jenis. “Dugaan kita pembunuh korban seorang waria,”katanya.

“Sejumlah keterangan saksi yaitu dua orang saudaranya yang pertama kali telah menemukan yaitu Tanti dan Cindy sudah kita ambil keterangannya,”terang kapolsek.

Seperti yang telah diketahui, korban dikenal rentenir ini pertama kali ditemukan seorang kerabat, Rabu 22 Januari lalu yang berniat mengantar undangan pernikahan. Saat itu (ditemukan), korban dalam posisi terlentang dalam balutan kaos hitam serta sarung motif kotak-kotak warna biru. Pada tubuh korban juga ditemukan sejumlah bekas luka, seperti sisa sundutan rokok serta lembam di wajah.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indoneswia.com, Performa buruk Manchester United musim ini ternyata tidak dapat membuat Tim Howard sedikit pun juga meraguk

saco-indoneswia.com, Performa buruk Manchester United musim ini ternyata tidak dapat membuat Tim Howard sedikit pun juga meragukan kemampuan tim yang juga pernah ia bela tersebut.

Howard juga sempat menghabiskan karirnya selama empat tahun di Old Trafford sebelum ia akhirnya telah memutuskan untuk pindah ke Everton. Kiper asal Amerika Serikat itu telah menyebut setan merah musim ini masih belum dapat membuktikan apapun. Tim asuhan David Moyes itu ia sebut masih telah memiliki banyak potensi yang belum dapat terungkap.

"Saya juga merasa bahwa apa yang kita pikirkan sekarang (tentang United) tidak akan terjadi pada bulan Mei nanti (akhir kompetisi Premier League) karena mereka sudah jelas merupakan juara bertahan dan mereka masih harus banyak memberikan bukti pada berbagai pihak," tutur Howard pada Sky Sports.

"Saya juga masih mengharap mereka untuk dapat terus menekan tim menuju arah yang benar, jadi kita lihat saja apa yang terjadi. Saya juga harap kami bisa terus menjauh dari mereka di klasemen, namun mereka jelas jauh lebih baik dari ini," pungkas sang kiper.

Manchester United saat ini telah terdampar di peringkat tujuh klasemen sementara Premier League.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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