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Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Labuhanbatu Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Labuhanbatu Selatan Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Genset Doosan Murah di Labuhanbatu Selatan

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Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva Murah di Probolinggo Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva Murah di Probolinggo

saco-indonesia.com, Warga etnis Tionghoa selama ini juga banyak dikenal sebagai pedagang alias pengusaha. Namun, sejarah juga te

saco-indonesia.com, Warga etnis Tionghoa selama ini juga banyak dikenal sebagai pedagang alias pengusaha. Namun, sejarah juga telah mencatat etnis Tionghoa sangat literer atau menggeluti dunia tulis menulis.

Dalam 'Sejarah Pers Awal dan Kebangkitan Kesadaran Ke-Indonesia-an' (2003), telah disebutkan warga Tionghoa juga merupakan pelanggan surat kabar sejak akhir abad ke XIX. Meski tidak sebanyak orang-orang Indo Eropa, sejumlah peranakan Tionghoa pun juga mulai menjadi pemimpin surat kabar berbahasa Melayu Rendah di Batavia.

Seiring dengan perkembangan pendidikan di kalangan mereka, peranakan Tionghoa juga mulai banyak menerbitkan dan telah memimpin berbagai penerbitan dengan bahasa Melayu Rendah pada awal abad XX. Bahasa Melayu Rendah juga bisa diartikan sebagai bahasa pergaulan (Melayu-Pasar) yang telah banyak digunakan peranakan Tionghoa di Jawa karena tidak lagi menguasai bahasa leluhur mereka.

Karena begitu besar sumbangan dan peranan orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa dalam pengembangan bahasa Melayu Rendah, bahasa ini akhirnya telah disebut sebagai Melayu-Tionghoa. Pada awal abad XX, sejumlah penerbitan pers berbahasa Melayu Tionghoa mulai bermunculan, seperti Sin Po, Keng Po, dan Perniagaan atau Siang Po di Batavia.

Di Surabaya juga ada Suara Poeblik, Pewarta Soerabaya dan Sin Tit Po. Ada juga Warna Warta dan Djawa Tengah (Semarang), Sin Bin (Bandung), Li Po (Sukabumi), Tjin Po dan Pelita Andalas (Medan), Sinar Sumatera dan Radio (Padang), dan Han Po (Palembang).

Surat kabar Sin Po telah memiliki catatan khusus dalam sejarah pergerakan Indonesia. Media itulah yang pertama kali telah menyebarluaskan syair 'Indonesia Raya' beserta partiturnya pada 10 November 1928, atau dua pekan setelah dikumandangkan pertama kali secara instrumentalia oleh WR Supratman pada Kongres Pemuda II, 28 Oktober 1928.

Di koran itu, WR Supratman juga menulis dengan jelas 'lagu kebangsaan' di bawah judul 'Indonesia'. Benny Setiono dalam 'Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik' (2008) menulis, Sin Po yang berarti Surat Kabar Baru, telah mencetak 5.000 eksemplar teks lagu Indonesia Raya dan telah dihadiahkan kepada WR Supratman, yang bekerja sebagai reporter di mingguan itu sejak 1925. Oleh WR Supratman, kemudian ribuan koran itu dijual.

Sin Po, yang pertama kali terbit sebagai mingguan pada 1 Oktober 1910, juga merupakan surat kabar yang telah mempelopori penggunaan kata 'Indonesia' menggantikan 'Nederlandsch-Indie', 'Hindia-Nerderlandsch', atau 'Hindia Olanda'. Harian ini juga yang menghapus penggunaan kata 'inlander' dari semua penerbitannya karena dirasa sebagai penghinaan oleh rakyat Indonesia.

Kemudian, sebagai balas budi, pers Indonesia juga mengganti sebutan 'Cina' dengan 'Tionghoa' dalam semua penerbitannya. Dalam percakapan sehari-hari, Soekarno, Hatta, Sjahrir, Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo kemudian juga telah mengganti kata 'Cina' dengan kata 'Tionghoa'.

Koran Sin Po saat itu memang telah memiliki pandangan politik yang pro-nasionalis Tiongkok. Namun karena alasan itu pulalah, yakni berdasar ajaran Dr Sun Yat Sen, Sin Po juga telah mendukung perjuangan rakyat Indonesia untuk dapat memperoleh kemerdekaan. Dalam San Min Chu I, Sun Yat Sen menulis perkembangan kemerdekaan Tiongkok tidak akan sempurna selama bangsa-bangsa di Asia belum merdeka.

Gerakan pro-nasionalis Tiongkok yang didukung Sin Po akhirnya sirna seiring dengan kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia 17 Agustus 1945, yang juga banyak didukung tokoh-tokoh Tionghoa. Kemerdekaan itu kini sudah menjadi milik bangsa Indonesia, termasuk di dalamnya keturunan Tionghoa.

 

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Pengguna Samsung Galaxy Note 3 kini telah bisa mengisi ulang dari baterai perangkat tersebut tanpa harus men

saco-indonesia.com, Pengguna Samsung Galaxy Note 3 kini telah bisa mengisi ulang dari baterai perangkat tersebut tanpa harus menggunakan kabel charger.

Hal ini dikarenakan Samsung telah telah mengeluarkan sebuah aksesoris resmi Galaxy Note 3 yang berupa cover lipat yang juga berfungsi sebagai wireless charger jika dihubungkan dengan charging pad yang kompatibel.

cover lipat yang bernama S-View ini telah diklaim Samsung dapat menjadi cover serbaguna yang mana tidak hanya untuk melindungi layar dan bodi smartphone saja , namun juga bisa digunakan untuk media isi ulang tanpa harus menggunakan kabel.

Berdasarkan lansiran tersebut, nantinya cover lipat ini juga akan menyediakan fitur lain yang telah mengizinkan penggunanya untuk dapat mengangkat telepon atau menolak panggilan langsung dari cover lipat tanpa perlu membuka layar utama.

Selain itu, cover lipat ini juga telah menyediakan tampilan menu shortcut ke beberapa menu favorit pengguna sebagai jalan pintas akses aplikasi yang lebih cepat.

Cover lipat S-View ini sendiri juga sudah tersedia melalui website resmi Samsung dengan dua varian warna hitam dan putih yang masing-masing telah dibanderol USD 70 atau setara dengan Rp 850 ribu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

Photo
 
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

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