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HARGA MESIN AYAKAN PASIR / PENGAYAK PASIR
CARA : Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir adalah merupakan alat tambang yang digunakan khusus untuk menyaring pasir, sepe
CARA : Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir adalah merupakan alat tambang yang digunakan khusus untuk menyaring pasir, seperti silica dan lain jenis pasir lainnya. Kalau dulu orang hanya menggunakan cara manual dengan dilakukan oleh 2 orang yang saling berhadapan dengan masing-masing memegang kedua sudut pengayak tersebut sambil digoyang-goyangkan. Tapi sekarang tidak lagi, ayakan pasir atau yang dikenal dalam bahasa bugis dengan Conveyor pasir sudah bisa dijalankan oleh mesin dengan kapasitas yang jauh lebih besar dari yang cara manual.
Sistem kerja mesin ayakan pasir hampir sama dengan cara manual yang dijalankan oleh dua orang pekerja sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas, hanya saja dengan alat modern ini pengerjaannya jauh lebih cepat dan kita tidak perlu repot mengeluarkan tenaga besar untuk mengayak pasir yang bertumpuk, apalagi untuk kebutuhan pertambangan dan bisnis bahan bangunan. Mengapa demikian, karena alat ini dijalankan dengan mesin dengan kecepatan dan hasil produksi yang bisa disetting oleh pemiliknya. Tapi perlu diperhatikan bahwa dalam menjalankan mesin ini harus dengan teknik dan panduan lengkap dari penyedianya agar hasil dan ketahanan mesin bisa dipertahankan untuk jangka waktu yang lebih lama.
Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir by Caramaster
Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir
Dilihat dari gambar mesin Pengayak Pasir yang anda saksikan di atas sudah memiliki spesifikasi : Belt Conveyor, Vibrating Screener, Roda Pemindahan Lokasi Pengayakan, serta Diesel Genset. Dengan berbagai kelengkapan tersbut maka tentunya akan sangat memudahkan kita dalam mengoperasikannya sebab dapat mobile atau dipindahkan sesuai dengan tempat akan dilakukannya pengayakan pasir
Kelebihan lain dari mesin ini adalah dimana hasil ayak yang dihasilkan bisa seragam besaran butirannya. Dan inilah mungkin yang sangat kita butuhkan dari hasil produksi pasir yang kita usahakan. Selain itu pemakaian listriknya juga cenderung hemat sehingga mengurangi biaya pengeluaran produksi serta tidak cepat habis saat digunakan. Di indonesia sendiri sudah banyak yang memesannya dan bahkan telah membeli dan menggunakan barangnya.
Di pasaran mesin dengan kapasitas seperti yang kami terangkan biasanya dibandrol di kisaran Rp. 120.000.000 (seratus dua puluh jutaan) dengan tambahan spek seperti motor listrik 10 HP, dengan lebar alat pengayak yaitu 1,6 x 4,5 meter untuk menghasilkan hasil penapisan pasir yang banyak sekaligus. Dan untuk mengantisipasi jika disekitar mesin tidak ditemukan saluran listrik langsung maka dilengkapi juga dengan mesin genset yang bermesin diesel berkekuatan 30 KVA serta tentunya juga untuk memudahkan pemindahan ke berbagai tempat dan medan yang berbeda maka sudah dilengkapi dengan roda ban.
MENYENANGKAN SEMUA ORANG ??? TINDAKAN BODOH
Sebuah illustrasi :
suatu kisah ayah, anak, dan keledai yang membawa muatan bawaan mereka di atas punggungnya. Me
Sebuah illustrasi :
suatu kisah ayah, anak, dan keledai yang membawa muatan bawaan mereka di atas punggungnya. Mereka mau melakukan perjalanan menuju suatu kuil. Mereka singgah di setiap kota yang mereka temui. Di kota pertama, orang disana berkata: “Hei mereka tega sekali membebani keledai mereka seberat itu!” Mendengar perkataan itu ayahnya membawa muatan yg ada di punggung keledai dan melanjutkan perjalanan ke kota kedua.
Sesampainya di kota kedua, orang mulai berkata: “Anak yang durhaka. Dia membiarkan ayahnya memikul beban seberat itu!” Mendengar hal itu, anaknya memutuskan untuk memikul beban yang dibawa oleh ayahnya dan melanjutkan perjalanan menuju ke kota ketiga.
Sesampainya di kota ketiga, orang disana berkata: ” Mereka tidak efektif. Keledai itu hanya dibawa tapi tidak digunakan sama sekali.” Sang anak mempersilakan ayahnya untuk menaiki keledai tersebut dan melanjutkan perjalanan ke kota keempat.
Ketika berada di kota keempat, seseorang di tempat itu berkata: ” Mengapa tidak menyewa keledai satu lagi untuk membawa barang bawaan?” Sang ayah akhirnya menyewa keledai satu lagi untuk membawa barang bawaan mereka dan melanjutkan perjalanan mereka sehingga sampai ke kuil.
Sesampainya di kuil, biksu disana terheran-heran dengan mereka, ” mengapa kalian sampai membawa dua keledai dalam perjalanan kalian?” Sang ayah akhirnya kesal dan berkata,” Kami melakukan apa yang menurut semua orang adalah yang terbaik. Tetapi ketika berada di kota yang berbeda, mereka terus menerus mengomentari kondisi kami sehingga kami memposisikan kondisi sesuai dengan kemauan mereka, tapi mereka selalu mengeluh, tidak bisakah semua senang dengan kondisi yang sudah kami sesuaikan? Bahkan biksupun mengomentari kondisi kami.”
Kita sering berada pada posisi "si ayah dan anak" dalam ilustrasi diatas, Berusaha menyenangkan semua orang, Mungkinkah?
Ketika pemerintahan berjalan baik, apakah semuanya senang? tentu tidak, karena menggangu keberadaan oposisi.
Ketika Anda mampu fokus menjalankan pekerjaan anda dengan baik dan benar, apakah orang lain semuanya menilai baik? belum tentu, kolega atau bahkan atasan kita belum tentu senang karena dikhawatirkan kita meminta promosi atau kenaikan jabatan.
Ketika Auditor menjalankan fungsinya dengan baik, apakah semuanya senang? sudah pasti tidak karena mengganggu "yg lain".
Prinsip hidup itu panduan, cahaya dan nilai dalam menjalankan kehidupan. Kepercayaan diri tidak terlepas dari prinsip hidup ini. Orang yang memiliki prinsip hidup pasti memiliki kepercayaan diri, sehingga tidak pernah ragu dan khawatir akan pendapat orang lain atas apa yang dilakukannya.
Intinya, jika berada dalam posisi "si ayah dan anak" dalam ilustrasi itu, Lakukan fungsi sesuai dengan prinsip hidup. sehingga akan mudah bagi kita untuk diminta penjelasan/pertanggungjawab atas cara/sikap/tindakan kita.
''That’s it, it will be a big failure if we try to make everyone happy''
''Kunci menuju kegagalan adalah mencoba untuk menyenangkan semua orang"
Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues
As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.
A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.
“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”
Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.
In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.
“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.
The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.
“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.
But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.
After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”
That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.
That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.
“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.
The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.
In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.
“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”
Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”
His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.
“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”
G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class
WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).
The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”
Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.
Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.
“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”
We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.
Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”
Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.
Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.
And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.
That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.
With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.
On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”
Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.
This is intentional, Republican operatives said.
In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.
“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.
But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”
Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.
“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.
Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.
But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.
Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.
Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”
Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.
Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.
But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.
The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.
“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.
There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.
“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”