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Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Soppeng Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Soppeng Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Soppeng

Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Soppeng

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Jual Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent di Lampung Selatan

Jual Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent di Lampung Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). Jual Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent di Lampung Selatan

Setelah memasarkan ponsel pintar BlackBerry Z10 dengan desain layar sentuh pada Maret lalu, kini BlackBerry Indonesia resmi meluncurkan BlackBerry Q10 dengan desain papan ketik fisik di Bandung, Selasa (4/6/2013).

BANDUNG, Saco-Indonesia.com - Setelah memasarkan ponsel pintar BlackBerry Z10 dengan desain layar sentuh pada Maret lalu, kini BlackBerry Indonesia resmi meluncurkan BlackBerry Q10 dengan desain papan ketik fisik di Bandung, Selasa (4/6/2013).

Managing Director BlackBerry Indonesia Maspiyono Handoyo, optimis ponsel ini akan sesukses BlackBerry Z10. Apalagi, BlackBerry Q10 memiliki desain dengan keypad format QWERTY yang cocok dengan selera konsumen Indonesia.

"BlackBerry Q10 punya fitur yang sama dengan BlackBerry Z10, karena keduanya memakai sistem operasi yang sama yaitu BlackBerry 10," ujar Maspiyono.

BlackBerry Q10 yang tersedia dalam pilihan warna putih dan hitam ini mulai dipasarkan secara massal pada 27 Juni dengan harga Rp 7,5 juta. Harga ini lebih mahal dari BlackBerry Z10 yang dijual seharga Rp 7 juta.

BlackBerry Q10 diperkuat dengan prosesor dual- core 1,5GHz, RAM 2GB, memori internal 16GB yang dapat diperluas dengan tambahan kartu memori MicroSD. Kamera belakangnya dibekali sensor 8MP  dengan LED flash dan kamera depan 2MP.

Ponsel yang dibekali baterai berkapasitas 2.100mAh ini, telah mendukung koneksi nirkabel 3G, 4G LTE, dan NFC. Selain itu, ia juga bisa terhubung dengan koneksi WiFi dan Bluetooth.

Tidak ada trackpad atau trackball. Tombol-tombol fisik yang biasanya menghiasai ponsel BlackBerry lawas, seperti tombol telepon, menu, back, dan tombol daya, juga sudah ditiadakan di BlackBerry Q10. Navigasi bisa dilakukan dengan keypad atau menyentuh layar seluas 3,1 inci. Layar ini mendukung resolusi 720 x 720 pixel dengan ketajaman 360 pixel per inci.

Editor:Liwon Mmaulana

Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Pertama kali muncul pada 2012 lalu, sudah banyak kejanggalan yang telah melingkupi kasus IM2. Sikap tegas da

saco-indonesia.com, Pertama kali muncul pada 2012 lalu, sudah banyak kejanggalan yang telah melingkupi kasus IM2. Sikap tegas dan konsisten Indosat yang telah menjalani proses hukum secara lurus dan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang ada malah mempersulit geraknya di pengadilan.

Kekurangtahuan jaksa pada proses teknis di industri telekomunikasi telah membuat kasus tersebut akan terasa makin sulit bagi Indosat dan makin jauh dari keadilan yang telah didambakan.

Suara dari dunia internasional yang relatif lebih tahu mengenai proses kerja sama di industri telekomunikasi pun juga hanya dianggap sebagai angin lalu bagi penegak hukum. Setelah disalahkan di tingkat Pengadilan Negeri Tipikor, mantan Dirut IM2 Indar Atmanto pun juga maju ke Pengadilan Tinggi DKI Jakarta dengan harapan proses hukumnya akan lebih adil dan fair.

Kenyataannya, Pengadilan Tinggi (PT) DKI Jakarta malah telah memperberat hukuman Indar Atmanto dari sebelumnya hanya 4 tahun menjadi 8 tahun. Selain telah memperberat hukuman, dalam putusan majelis hakim PT yang diketuai Syamsul Bachri Bapa Tua juga telah menetapkan denda Rp 200 juta subsider 3 bulan penjara bagi Indar. Denda itu sesuai vonis Pengadilan Tipikor. Pertimbangan penambahan hukuman, karena kerugian dalam kasus ini telah dianggap sangat signifikan karena nilainya di atas Rp 1 triliun.

Keputusan Pengadilan Tinggi itu tentunya akan menyakitkan komunitas telematika di Indonesia dan seluruh dunia karena keputusan tersebut sama saja membuat penyelenggara jasa internet lainnya illegal, sehingga sama saja akses internet juga ilegal.

Karena, tak ada penyelenggara jasa internet yang telah memiliki infrastruktur BTS sendiri dan mereka hanya telah memiliki server untuk basis data pelanggan. Model bisnis ISP adalah pelayanan bukan penyediaan infrastruktur. ISP juga merupakan reseller jaringan milik operator yang telah memberikan layanan kepada pengguna akhir dan warnet.

Izin ISP sendiri sangat berbeda dengan izin operator penyelenggara telekomunikasi, sehingga model bisnis ISP memang legal menurut UU Telekomunikasi No 36/1999.

Bila IM2 telah dinyatakan bersalah, maka ada lebih dari 200 penyedia jasa internet (Internet Service Provider/ISP) yang telah menerapkan model bisnis yang sama juga harus dinyatakan bersalah dan membayar bea hak penggunaan (BHP) frekuensi sejumlah yang telah dituduhkan kepada IM2 sebesar Rp 1,3 triliun.

Padahal, ratusan ISP telah beroperasi dengan skala usaha kecil dan menengah (UMKM), yang secara alami mustahil membayar Rp 1,3 triliun. Dampaknya, mereka akan bisa bangkrut dan tidak bisa menyediakan jasa internet, yang berdampak pada terhentinya layanan internet (Kiamat Internet). Sehingga akan dapat mengganggu ekonomi secara keseluruhan.

Selain itu, Indonesia juga bisa terisolasi dari dunia internasional, karena tanpa internet, maka Indonesia seperti katak dalam tempurung, yang rakyatnya tidak bisa berkembang. Pemerintah pun terkena imbasnya, karena tanpa internet, roda pemerintahan tak akan bisa berjalan sama sekali.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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