JUAL GENSET LOVOL MURAH DI JAKARTA

Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Nunukan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Nunukan Kami juga menerima pembuatan box silent dan perakitan diesel generator set. Produk kami meliputi berbagai diesel generator set model open, silent lokal yang ukuranya menyesuaikan lokasi pondasi genset, mobile/ trailer . Sebagian besar mesin kami menggunakan Merk : Perkins, Cummins, Deutz, Lovol, Isuzu Foton dengan generator Leroy Somer, Stamford, kualitas terbaik brushless alternator. Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Nunukan

Jual Genset Cummins Murah di Nunukan

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genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 100 kva Prime power type 1006TG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Ngada

genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 100 kva Prime power type 1006TG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Ngada Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR). genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 100 kva Prime power type 1006TG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Ngada

saco-indonesia.com, Setelah berhasil lolos dari tiga kali pengepungan, pentolan geng motor Briges berinisial TS yang berusia 30

saco-indonesia.com, Setelah berhasil lolos dari tiga kali pengepungan, pentolan geng motor Briges berinisial TS yang berusia 30 tahun tewas akhirnya tumbang, ditembak Timsus Sat Reskrim Polres Ciamhi, di Margasih, Cimahi, Selasa (28/1) Subuh.

Enam motor dan senjata api yang selalu ditenteng sang ‘komandan’ telah berhasil diamankan. ‘Komandan’ geng yang telah tercatat 30 kali merampas motor tak berdaya saat dua pelor polisi bersarang di dadanya.

Kasat Reskrim Polres Cimahi AkKP Suparma, kepada Pos Kota, telah menjelaskan, aksi penembakan terhadap komandan geng motor Briges asal Kopo Kabupaten Bandung berlangsung Rabu dini hari lalu.

Tempat tersangka bersumbunyi dalam pekan ini sudah tiga kali digerebek namun sang Komandan telah berhasil meloloskan diri. Namun, Selasa dini hari, sang komandan tak bisa kabur saat tempat bersumbunyinya dikepung oleh polisi.

“Dalam keadaan terdesak dia juga masih melawan anggota dengan menggunakan pistol. Kami langsung menembaknya,“ ujar Suparma.

Kasat mengakui, TS sudah tiga tahun menjadi buronan polisi. Meski dia berdomisili di Kopo – Kabupaten Bandung,  namun melakukan lejahatanya di wilayah Bandung Raya.

Modusnya, memepet motor korban, menguras harta bendanya.“Jika korban melawan dia membunuhnya. Maka, kami juga akan tetap menyikat pentolan pentolan geng motor yang brutal,“ tandasnya.

ENAM JAMBRET

Sementara itu, di Kota Bandung, enam jambret yang biasa beraksi di tengah malam telah ditangkap oleh tim khusus Polsek Bandung Wetan, Senin (27/1) malam. Satu diantaranya, DN telah ditebak betisnya lantaran kabur saat mau ditangkap.

Lima jambret lainya yang ditangkap dikenali sebagai Dadang Budiawan alias Bako, Beri Suryadi alias Abey, Adam Dani Nugraha alias Benuy, Vikry Septian alias Ebow, Gita Kurniawansyah alias Saprol dan Ira Sunandar alias Kontol. Tersangka D, H dan E masih DPO.

Kapolrestabes Bandung Kombes Pol Mashudi telah menyebutkan, awalnya petugas telah menangkap tangan dua orang tersangka penjambretan saat beraksi di Jalan RE Martadinata, Bandung. Setelah dilakukan pemeriksaan berkembang kjeempat tersangka lainya.

“Modusnya mereka memepet korban di tempat-tempat sepi, dan mengambil barang berharganya. Bila korban  melawan, tersangka  tak segan untuk melukainya, ” bebernya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pemerintah Purbalingga Jawa Tengah telah menetapkan penutupan sementara jalur pendakian Gunung Slamet dari Pos Bambangan Desa Kutabawa Kecamatan Karangreja, Senin (10/3). Dari rilis yang telah dikeluarkan oleh Humas Pemkab Purbalingga telah menyebutkan, penutupan jalur pendakian tersebut dilakukan atas saran petugas pos pengamatan di Gambuhan Pemalang.

Pemerintah Purbalingga Jawa Tengah telah menetapkan penutupan sementara jalur pendakian Gunung Slamet dari Pos Bambangan Desa Kutabawa Kecamatan Karangreja, Senin (10/3).

Dari rilis yang telah dikeluarkan oleh Humas Pemkab Purbalingga telah menyebutkan, penutupan jalur pendakian tersebut dilakukan atas saran petugas pos pengamatan di Gambuhan Pemalang.

"Atas saran petugas pengamatan gunung Slamet, pendakian ke puncak Gunung Slamet sementara untuk ditutup. Namun, soal status Gunung Slamet juga masih menunggu perkembangan lebih lanjut dari petugas Pusat Vulkanologi dan Mitigasi Bencana Geologi (PVMBG) Kementerian Energi dan Sumberdaya Mineral," kata Kepala Bidang Pariwisata Dinas Kebudayaan Pariwisata Pemuda dan Olah Raga (Dinbudparpora) Purbalingga, Prayitno.

Saat ini, Prayitno juga mengungkapkan, pihaknya telah berkoordinasi dengan Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah (BPBD) untuk dapat antisipasi kemungkinan dinaikkannya status Gunung Slamet dari normal ke waspada.

"Kami juga masih menunggu informasi lebih lanjut soal status gunung Slamet. Yang jelas, pendaki sudah kami larang untuk melakukan pendakian ke puncak gunung Slamet," katanya.

Berdasarkan data di Pos pendakian Gunung Slamet di Dukuh Bambangan, Desa Kutabawa, saat ini telah tercatat ada 21 pendaki yang menuju puncak. Mereka berangkat pada Senin (10/3) pagi.

Pendaki tersebut berasal dari Jakarta 19 orang dan dua pendaki orang dari Tegal. "Petugas di Bambangan sudah mencoba untuk menghubungi melalui nomor ponsel yang dicatatkan di pos sesaat sebelum naik. Saat ini, kami sedang meminta mereka untuk turun kembali," ujarnya.

Selain itu, ada sembilan pendaki dari Pekalongan yang hendak melakukan pendakian pada Senin (10/3) sore. Namun, mereka sudah kami larang dan diminta untuk menangguhkan pendakian ke puncak Slamet.

di Purwokerto pada Senin sore, terlihat asap yang membumbung tinggi dari puncak Gunung Slamet. Banyak warga Purwokerto yang mencari informasi tentang kondisi terkini gunung tertinggi di Jawa Tengah.

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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