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1. Lintasan Sejarah Minang Kabau Untuk menelusuri kapan gerangan nenek moyang orang Minangkabau itu datang ke Minangkabau, ra

1. Lintasan Sejarah Minang Kabau Untuk menelusuri kapan gerangan nenek moyang orang Minangkabau itu datang ke Minangkabau, rasanya perlu dibicarakan mengenai peninggalan lama seperti megalit yang terdapat di Kabupaten Lima Puluh Kota dan tempat-tempat lain di Minangkabau yang telah berusia ribuan tahun. Di Kabupaten Lima Puluh Kota peninggalan megalit ini terdapat di Nagari Durian Tinggi, Guguk, Tiakar, Suliki Gunung Emas, Harau, Kapur IX, Pangkalan, Koto Baru, Mahat, Koto Gadan, Ranah, Sopan Gadang, Koto Tinggi, Ampang Gadang. Seperti umumnya kebudayaan megalit lainnya berawal dari zaman batu tua dan berkembang sampai ke zaman perunggu. Kebudayaan megalit merupakan cabang kebudayaan Dongsong. Megalit seperti yang terdapat disana juga tersebar ke arah timur, juga terdapat di Nagari Aur Duri di Riau. Semenanjung Melayu, Birma dan Yunan. Jalan kebudayaan yang ditempuh oleh kebudayaan Dongsong. Dengan perkataan lain dapat dikatakan bahwa kebudayaan megalit di Kabupaten Lima Puluh Kota sezaman dengan kebudayaan Dongsong dan didukung oleh suku bangsa yang sama pula. Menurut para ahli bahwa pendukung kebudayaan Dongsong adalah bangsa Austronesia yang dahulu bermukim di daerah Yunan, Cina Selatan. Mereka datang ke Nusantara dalam dua gelombang. Gelombang pertama pada Zaman Batu Baru (Neolitikum) yang diperkirakan pada tahun 2000 sebelum masehi. Gelombang kedua datang kira-kira pada tahun 500 SM, dan mereka inilah yang diperkirakan menjadi nenek moyang bangsa Indonesia sekarang. Bangsa Austronesia yang datang pada gelombang pertama ke nusantara ini disebut oleh para ahli dengan bangsa Proto Melayu (Melayu Tua), yang sekarang berkembang menjadi suku bangsa Barak, Toraja, Dayak, Nias, Mentawai dan lain-lain. Mereka yang datang pada gelombang kedua disebut Deutero Melayu (Melayu Muda) yang berkembang menjadi suku bangsa Minangkabau, Jawa, Makasar, Bugis dan lain-lain. Dari keterangan tersebut di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa nenek moyang orang Minangkabau adalah bangsa melayu muda dengan kebudayaan megalit yang mulai tersebar di Minangkabau kira-kira tahun 500 SM sampai abad pertama sebelum masehi yang dikatakan oleh Dr. Bernet Bronson. Jika pendapat ini kita hubungkan dengan apa yang diceritakan oleh Tambo mengenai asal-usul orang Minangkabau kemungkinan cerita Tambo itu ada juga kebenarannya. Menurut sejarah Iskandar Zulkarnain Yang Agung menjadi raja Macedonia antara tahun 336-323 s.m. Dia seorang raja yang sangat besar dalam sejarah dunia. Sejarahnya merupakan sejarah yang penuh dengan penaklukan daerah timur dan barat yang tiada taranya. Dia berkeinginan untuk menggabungkan kebudayaan barat dengan kebudayaan timur. Tokoh Iskandar Zulkarnai dalam Tambo Minangkabau secara historis tidak dapat diterima kebenarannya, karena dia memang tidak pernah sampai ke Minangkabau. Di samping di dalam sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Aceh dan Bustanul Salatin Tokoh Iskandar Zulkarnain ini juga disebut-sebut, tetapi secara historis tetap saja merupakan seorang tokoh legendaris. Sebaliknya tokoh Maharajo Dirajo yang dikatakan oleh Tambo sebagai salah seorang anak Iskandar Zulkarnain, kemungkinan merupakan salah seorang Panglima Iskandar Zulkarnain yang ditugaskan menguasai pulau emas (Sumatera), termasuk di dalamnya daerah Minangkabau. Dialah yang kemudian menurunkan para penguasa di Minangkabau, jika kita tafsirkan apa yang dikatakan Tambo berikutnya. Sayangnya Tambo tidak pernah menyebutkan tentang kapan peristiwa itu terjadi selain ”pada masa dahulunya” yang mempunyai banyak sekali penafsirannya. Tambo juga mengatakan bahwa nenek moyang orang Minangkabau dari puncak gunung merapi. Hal ini tidak dapat diartikan seperti yang dikatakan itu, tetapi seperti kebiasaan orang Minangkabau sendiri harus dicari tafsirannya, karena orang Minangkabau selalu mengatakan sesuatu melalui kata-kata kiasan, ”tidak tembak langsung”. Tafsirannya kira-kira sebagai berikut: Sewaktu Maharajo Dirajo sedang berlayar menuju pulau emas dalam mengemban tugas yang diberikan oleh Iskandar Zulkarnain, pada suatu saat dia melihat daratan yang sangat kecil karena masih sangat jauh. Setelah sampai ke daratan tersebut ternyata sebuah gunung, yaitu gunung merapi yang sangat besar. Tetapi oleh pewaris Tambo kemudian gunung Merapi sangat kecil yang mula-mula kelihatan itulah yang dikatakan sebagai tanah asal orang Minangkabau. Selanjutnya cerita Tambo yang demikian, juga masih ada sampai sekarang pada zaman kita ini. Ada baiknya kita kutip apa yang dikatakan Tambo itu sebagai yang dikatakan oleh Sang Guno Dirajo: ”…Dek lamo bakalamoan, nampaklah gosong dari lauik, yang sagadang talua itiak, sadang dilamun-lamun ombak…” (sesudah lama berlayar akhirnya kelihatanlah pulau yang sangat kecil kira-kira sebesar telur itik yang kelihatan hanya timbul tenggelam sesuai denga turun naiknya ombak). Selanjutnya dikatakan:”…Dek lamo - bakalamoan aia lauik basentak turun, nan gosong lah basentak naiak, kok dareklah sarupo paco, namun kaba nan bak kian, lorong kapado niniak kito, lah mendarek maso itu, iyo dipuncak gunuang marapi…” (karena sudah lama berlayar dan pasang sudah mulai surut, gosong yang kecil tadi makin besar, daratan yang kelihatan itu tak obahnya seperti perca, maka dinamakanlah daratan itu dengan pulau perca yang akhirnya didarati oleh nenek moyang kita yang mendarat kira-kira di gunung merapi). Peristiwa inilah yang digambarkan oleh mamangan adat Minangkabau berbunyi “dari mano titiak palito, dari telong nan barapi, dari mano asal niniak kito, dari puncah gunuang marapi” (dari mana titik pelita dari telong yang berapi, dari mana datang nenek kita, dari puncak gunung merapi). Mamangan adat ini sampai sekarang masih dipercaya oleh sebagian besar masyarakat Minangkabau.. Bagi kita yang menarik dari cerita Tambo ini bukanlah mengenai arti kata-katanya melainkan adalah cerita itu memberikan indikasi kepada kita tentang nenek moyang orang Minangkabau asalnya datang dari laut, (dengan berlayar) yang waktunya sangat lama. Kedatangan nenek moyang inilah yang dapat disamakan dengan masuknya nenek moyang orang Minangkabau. Dengan demikian masuknya nenek moyang orang Minangkabau dapat diperkirakan waktu kedatangannya: yaitu antara abad kelima sebelum masehi dengan abad pertama sebelum masehi, sesuai dengan umur kebudayaan megalit itu sendiri. Kembali kepada permasalahan pokok pada bagian ini, maka menurut Soekomo, tradisi Megalit pada mulanya merupakan batu yang dipergunakan sebagai lambang untuk memperingati seorang kepala suku. Sesudah kepala suku itu meninggal, akhirnya peringatan itu berubah menjadi penghormatan yang lambat laun menjadi tanda pemujaan kepada arwah nenek moyang. Bagaimana dengan megalit yang terdapat di Minangkabau? Barangkali fungsi pemujaan terhadap arwah nenek moyang masih tetap berlanjut, seperti Menhir lainnya di Indonesia. Tetapi jika kita hubungkan Menhir itu dengan kehidupan orang Minangkabau yang berkaitan dengan Medan Nan Bapaneh, yaitu tempat duduk bermusyawarah dalam masyarakat Minangkabau sudah mulai berkembang pada zaman pra sejarah, khususnya di zaman berkembangnya tradisi menhir di Minangkabau dan keadaan ini sudah berlangsung semenjak sebelum abad masehi. Dari peninggalan menhir dan keterangan-keterangan yang diberikan oleh pemuka masyarakat sekarang di tempat-tempat menhir itu terdapat seperti di Sungai Belantik, Andieng, Kubang Tungkek, Tiakat, Padang Japang, Limbanang, Talang Anau, Padang Kandih, Balubus, Koto Tangah, Simalanggang, Taeh Baruh, Talago, Ampang Gadang seperti yang dikatakan oleh Yuwono Sudibyo, sebagai berikut: ”Bahwa ketika sekelompok nenek moyang telah menemukan tempat bermukim, yang pertama-tama ditetapkan atau dicari adalah suatu lokasi yang dinamakan gelanggang. Di gelanggang ini dilakukan upacara, yaitu semacam upacara selamatan untuk menghormati kepala suku atau pemimpin rombongan yang telah membawa mereka ke suatu tempat bermukim. Sebagai tanda upacara didirikanlah Batu Tagak yang kemudian kita kenal sebagai menhir. Batu Tagak ini kemudian berubah fungsi, sebahagian menjadi tanda penghormatan kepada arwah nenek moyang dan sebahagian tempat bermusyawarah yang kemudian kita kenal dengan nama Medan nan Bapaneh”. Karena sudah ada kehidupan bermusyawarah, sudah barang tentu pula masyarakat sudah hidup menetap dengan berburu dan pertanian sebagai mata pencaharian yang utama. Hal ini sesuai pula dengan kehidupan para pendukung kebudayaan Dongsong yang sudah menetap. Jika sekiranya peninggalan-peninggalan pra sejarah Minangkabau sudah diteliti dengan digali lebih lanjut, barangkali akan ditemui peninggalan-peninggalan yang mendukung kehidupan berburu dan bertani tersebut. Diwaktu itu sudah dapat diperkirakan bahwa antara Adat Nan Sabana Adat sudah hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Minangkabau, mengingat akan ajaran adat Minangkabau itu sendiri, yaitu Alam Takambang jadikan guru. Sedangkan Adat Nan Sabana Adat berisi tentang hukum-hukum alam yang tidak berubah dari dahulu sampai sekarang seperti dikatakan: Adat api mambaka, adat aia mamabasahi, adat tajam malukoi, adat runciang mancucuak dan sebagainya (Adat api membakar, adat air membasahi, adat tajam melukai, adat runcing mencucuk). Demikian juga dengan Adat Nan Diadatkan sudah ada waktu itu, yaitu sebagai hukum yang berlaku dalam masyarakat. Barangkali di zaman inilah berlakunya apa yang dikenal dengan hukum adat yang bersifat zalim dan tidak boleh dibantah yaitu hukum adat yang bernama “Simumbang Jatuah” (simumbang jatuh), mumbang kalau jatuh tidak dapat dikembalikan ke tempatnya lagi. Selanjutnya juga ada hukum yang bernama “si gamak-gamak”, yaitu suatu aturan yang tidak dipikirkan masak-masak. Disamping itu juga terdapat hukum yang dinamakan “Si lamo-lamo” yaitu siapa kuat siapa di atas persis seperti hukum rimba. Barangkali hukum yang dinamakan “Hukum Tariak Baleh” juga berlaku di zaman ini. Hukum Tariak Baleh hampir sama dengan hukum Kisas dalam agama Islam, misalnya orang yang membunuh harus di hukum bunuh pula. Keempat macam hukum adat itu memang sesuai dengan zamannya dimana belum terlalu banyak pertimbangan terhadap suatu yang dihadapi dalam kehidupan. Sampai kapan berlakunya hukum ini mungkin berlangsung sampai masuknya agama Islam pertama ke Minangkabau kira-kira abad ketujuh. Zaman Purba Minangkabau berakhir dengan masuknya Islam ke Minangkabau, yaitu kira-kira abad ketujuh, dimana buat pertama kali di Sumatra Barat sudah didapati kelompok masyarakat Arab tahun 674. Kelompok masyarakat Arab ini sudah menganut agama Islam, bagaimanapun rendahnya pendidikan waktu itu, tentu sudah pandai tulis baca, karena ajaran Islam harus diperoleh dari Qur’an dan Hadist Nabi yang semuanya sudah dituliskan dalam bahasa Arab. Dengan demikian diakhir bahagian ketiga abad ketujuh itu zaman purba Minangkabau sudah berakhir 1. Zaman Mula Sejarah Minangkabau Yang dimaksud dengan zaman mula sejarah Minangkabau ialah zaman yang meliputi kurun waktu antara abad pertama Masehi dengan abad ketujuh. Dalam masa tersebut masa pra Sejarah masih berlanjut, tetapi masa itu dilengkapi dengan adanya berita-berita tertulis tertua mengenai Minangkabau seperti istilah San-Fo Tsi dari berita Cina yang dapat dibaca sebagai Tambesi yang terdapat di Jambi. Di daerah Indonesia lainnya juga sudah terdapat berita atau tulisan seperti kerajaan Mulawarman di Kutai Kalimantan dan Tarumanegara di Jawa Barat. Namun dari berita-berita itu belum banyak yang dapat kita ambil sebagai bahan untuk menyusun sebuah ceritera sejarah, karena memang masih sangat sedikit sekali dan masing-masingnya seakan-akan berdiri sendiri tanpa ada hubungan sama sekali. Untuk zaman ini Soekomono memberikan nama zaman Proto Sejarah Indonesia, yaitu peralihan dari zaman Prasejarah ke zaman sejarah. Berita dai Tambo dan ceritera rakyat Minangkabau hanya mengemukakan secara semu mengenai hal ini, yaitu hanya menyebutkan tentang kehidupan orang Minangkabau zaman dahulu. Dalam hal ini Tambo mengemukakan sebagai berikut: ”…tak kalo maso dahulu…”…(Diwaktu zaman dahulu),. ”…dari tahun musim baganti, dek zaman tuka – batuka, dek lamo maso nan talampau, tahun jo musim nan balansuang…” (Karena tahun musim berganti, karena zaman bertukar-tukar, karena masa yang telah lewat, tahun dengan musim yang berlangsung),”… Antah barapo kalamonyo…”(entah berapa lamanya), dari ungkapan waktu yang demikian memang sulit sekali menentukan kapan terjadinya. Pengertian zaman dahulu itu saja sudah mengandung banyak kemungkinan tafsiran dan sangat relatif. Barangkali kehidupan zaman mula sejarah Minangkabau ini hampir sama dengan kehidupan pada zaman Pra sejarahnya, hanya saja di akhir zaman mula sejarah ini agama Islam sudah masuk ke Minangkabau dan sudah ada berita-berita dari Cina. Dapat dikatakan, bahwa cerita sejarah untuk zaman mula sejarah Minangkabau ini sangat sedikit sekali, bahkan dapat dikatakan merupakan zaman yang paling gelap dalam sejarah Minangkabau. Demikian gelapnya untuk menghubungkan zaman Pra Sejarah dengan zaman sejarahnya kita tidak mempunyai sumber sama sekali, bukan lagi kabur, tetapi sudah gelap gulita.

saco-indonesia.com, Hujan yang telah mengguyur Jakarta pagi ini telah menyebabkan Jalan Administrasi Negara I, Tanah Abang, Jaka

saco-indonesia.com, Hujan yang telah mengguyur Jakarta pagi ini telah menyebabkan Jalan Administrasi Negara I, Tanah Abang, Jakarta Pusat longsor. Peristiwa itu telah terjadi pada pukul 09.15 WIB.

"Longsor sepanjang 50 meter," ujar petugas Polsek Tanah Abang Iptu Sardino, Selasa (31/12).

Sardino juga mengatakan akibat kejadian itu empat mobil telah terperosok ke dalam kali. "Itu mobil memang sedang parkir di situ," katanya.

Petugas yang ke lokasi langsung melakukan evakuasi. Tidak ada korban jiwa dalam insiden itu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

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