genset perkins genset foton genset cummins murah

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak

Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Ciamis

Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Ciamis Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Ciamis

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Pegunungan Bintang

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Pegunungan Bintang Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Pegunungan Bintang

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent Murah di Banda Aceh

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent Murah di Banda Aceh Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent Murah di Banda Aceh

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Paniai

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Paniai Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Paniai

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up Murah di Bone

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up Murah di Bone Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up Murah di Bone

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nduga

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nduga Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nduga

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 135 kva Prime power type 1006TAG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Pelalawan

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 135 kva Prime power type 1006TAG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Pelalawan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 135 kva Prime power type 1006TAG1A bergaransi dan berkualitas di Pelalawan

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nabire

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nabire Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Nabire

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Siak

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Siak Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Siak

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mimika

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mimika Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mimika

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Pagar Alam

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Pagar Alam Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Pagar Alam

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Merauke

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Merauke Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Merauke

Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent di Wakatobi

Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent di Wakatobi Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent di Wakatobi

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mappi

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mappi Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mappi

Jual GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Parepare

Jual GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Parepare Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual GENSET CUMMINS 10 KVA - 1000 KVA Type Open Dan Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Parepare

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mamberamo Tengah

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mamberamo Tengah Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Mamberamo Tengah

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva Murah di Bombana

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva Murah di Bombana Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva Murah di Bombana

saco-indonesia.com, Urutan kegiatan dalam Ibadah Haji dan Umroh Dalam kegiatan dan pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji, terdapat uruta

saco-indonesia.com,

Urutan kegiatan dalam Ibadah Haji dan Umroh

Dalam kegiatan dan pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji, terdapat urutan rukun dan wajib Haji yang harus dilaksanakan oleh stiap jamaah Haji. urutan kegiatan tersebut sebagai berikut :

Sebelum tanggal 8 Dzulhijjah, calon jamaah haji mulai berbondong untuk dapat melaksanakan Tawaf Haji di Masjid Al Haram, Makkah.

Calon jamaah haji harus memakai pakaian Ihram (dua lembar kain tanpa jahitan sebagai pakaian haji), sesuai miqatnya, kemudian berniat haji, dan membaca bacaan Talbiyah, yaitu dengan mengucapkan Labbaikallahumma labbaik labbaika laa syarika laka labbaik. Innal hamda wan ni’mata laka wal mulk laa syarika laka..

Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah, pagi harinya semua calon jamaah haji menuju ke padang Arafah untuk dapat menjalankan ibadah wukuf. Kemudian jamaah telah melaksanakan ibadah Wukuf, yaitu berdiam diri dan berdoa di padang Arafah hingga Maghrib datang.

Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah malam, jamaah menuju ke Muzdalifah untuk mabbit (bermalam) dan mengambil batu untuk melontar jumroh secukupnya.

Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah tengah malam (setelah mabbit) jamaah harus meneruskan perjalanan ke Mina untuk dapat melaksanakan ibadah melontar Jumroh

Tanggal 10 Dzulhijjah, jamaah melaksanakan ibadah melempar Jumroh sebanyak tujuh kali ke Jumroh Aqobah sebagai simbolisasi mengusir setan. Dilanjutkan dengan tahalul yaitu mencukur rambut atau sebagian rambut.

Jika jamaah mengambil nafar awal maka dapat dilanjutkan perjalanan ke Masjidil Haram untuk Tawaf Haji (menyelesaikan Haji)
Sedangkan jika mengambil nafar akhir jamaah tetap tinggal di Mina dan dilanjutkan dengan melontar jumroh sambungan (Ula dan Wustha).

Tanggal 11 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.

Tanggal 12 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.
Jamaah haji kembali ke Makkah untuk dapat melaksanakan Thawaf Wada’ (Thawaf perpisahan) sebelum pulang ke negara masing-masing

Demikian Urutan kegiatan Ibadah Haji Umrah yang dapat kami jelaskan, smoga bermanfaat.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Banyak orang yang telah bingung ketika saat menghidupkan mesin kendaraannya tiba-tiba ngadat. Hal ini bisa t

saco-indonesia.com, Banyak orang yang telah bingung ketika saat menghidupkan mesin kendaraannya tiba-tiba ngadat. Hal ini bisa telah terjadi karena berbagai hal, salah satunya adalah karena aki yang sudah tidak berfungsi dengan baik. Aki juga merupakan sumber energi yang biasanya digunakan untuk alat-alat elektronik, kendaraan dan lain sebagainya. Aki itu sendiri telah terbagi menjadi dua yaitu aki basah dan aki kering. Tentunya keduanya juga telah memiliki kelebihan dan kekurangannya sendiri-sendiri. Jika Aki basah dibutuhkan perawatan yang lebih telaten dibandingkan dengan aki kering, tetapi jika kita tahu cara merawat aki basah, maka aki basah akan mempunyai umur yang lebih lama jika dibandingkan aki kering.

Sebagai salah satu sumber kelistrikan pada kendaraan, tentunya kita juga tidak ingin aki kendaraan kita gampang mati. Karena itu disini kita akan mengulas salah satunya saja, yaitu bagaimana cara untuk merawat aki basah agar awet dan bisa dipakai dalam kurun waktu yang lama.
Cara Merawat Aki Basah Yang Benar

Langkah-langkah cara merawat aki basah :

    Anda jangan malas untuk selalu memeriksa air aki. Pemeriksaan juga bisa dilakukan secara berkala, dan air aki juga harus lebih tinggi dari batas Low dan juga berada di bawah batas Upper Level.
    Tambah air aki jika air aki sudah berkurang dan berada di bawah level Low. Gunakan air aki biasa, jangan menggunakan air aki zuur, karena air aki zuur telah digunakan saat pertama saja.
    Penambahan air aki sebaiknya pada pagi hari sebelum mesin dinyalakan.
    Penggunaan arus listrik Aki juga harus sewajarnya. Anda juga harus membatasi pemakaian arus sesuai kapasitas dari aki yang digunakan, karena jika over maka aki akan mudah mati.
    Hati-hati terhadap hubungan pendek antara kutub positif dan negatif, karena hal tersebut juga bisa menyebabkan kerusakan pada sel aki.
    Periksa katup krem yang ada di aki, jika Anda telah mendapati dalam keadaan longgar maka segera kencangkan.
    Aki yang telah mendapat goncangan terlalu keras juga dapat mempengaruhi umur aki tersebut, maka pastikan aki terlindungi dengan memperhatikan penjepit aki/braket aki tetap kokoh.
    Bersihkan aki dari debu dan berikan sedikit gemuk pada kutupnya agar tidak mudah berkarat atau berjamur.
    Periksa secara keseluruhan fisik aki, apakah ada keretakan pada fisik, plug aki yang tidak tertutup dengan baik dan juga jangan lupa memperhatikan bagian ventplug, mampet atau tidaknya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Polda Metro Jaya telah berencana akan menutup Jalan Thamrin menuju Harmoni, Jakarta Pusat. Penutupan tersebu

saco-indonesia.com, Polda Metro Jaya telah berencana akan menutup Jalan Thamrin menuju Harmoni, Jakarta Pusat. Penutupan tersebut telah dilakukan terkait dalam Simulasi Sistem Pengamanan Pemilihan Umum 2014.

Awalnya, penutupan akan dilakukan mulai pukul 07.00 WIB. Kendati demikian hingga pukul 08.15 WIB jalan tersebut belum ditutup.

Petugas TMC Polda Metro Jaya, Brigadir Tata, juga menjelaskan, rencana penutupan jalan tersebut akan dilakukan bila kondisi lalu lintas padat. Penutupan yang dimaksud, lanjut dia, bukan permanen, melainkan buka-tutup.

“Tutupnya situasional, kalau kondisi kendaraan terlalu padat hingga menghalangi pelaksanaan simulasi maka akan diberlakukan sistem buka-tutup,” jelas Tata saat, Jumat (7/2/2014).

Selain itu, sistem contra flow juga akan diberlakukan dalam kondisi tertentu. Antisipasi lainnya kendaraan menuju Harmoni juga akan dialihkan melalui jalur alternatif seperti Jalan Imam Bonjol, Jakarta Pusat.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Hakikat berpikir positif adalah yang datang dari Allah SELALU baik. Tantangannya adalah, kadang Allah memberikan hikmah dengan cara yang tidak kita sukai. Nah, untuk orang yang berpikir positif, dia yakin bahwa dibalik semua itu ada kebaikan bagi manusia. Berpikir positif bukan berarti menganggap semua manusia atau makhluq akan selalu berbuat baik kepada kita. Namun yang selalu baik itu datang dari Allah, bahkan melalui kejadian buruk sekalipun. Kita harus berbaik sangka kepada manusia sambil tetap waspada.

saco-indonesia.com, Hakikat berpikir positif adalah yang datang dari Allah SELALU baik.

Tantangannya adalah, kadang Allah memberikan hikmah dengan cara yang tidak kita sukai. Nah, untuk orang yang berpikir positif, dia yakin bahwa dibalik semua itu ada kebaikan bagi manusia.

Berpikir positif bukan berarti menganggap semua manusia atau makhluq akan selalu berbuat baik kepada kita. Namun yang selalu baik itu datang dari Allah, bahkan melalui kejadian buruk sekalipun. Kita harus berbaik sangka kepada manusia sambil tetap waspada.

Berpikir positif juga bukan berarti semua hal yang salah menjadi baik. Namun kita bisa menemukan kebaikan dibalik kesalahan. Salah tetap salah, namun dibalik kesalahan ada hikmah. Hikmah inilah yang selalu baik.

Berpikir positif juga bisa berarti optimis. Ini kaitannya dengan masa depan termasuk dari yang sedang kita kerjakan saat ini akan memberikan hasil kepada kita. Kebalikannya orang yang pesimis tidak yakin apa yang dia lakukan akan memberikan hasil.

Berpikir positif juga artinya terbuka, sehingga memberikan peluang bagi kita untuk terus melangkah. Sementara pikiran negatif adalah pikiran yang tertutup sehingga dirinya akan tertutup dari keberhasilan

saco-indonesia.com, Di babak kedua Kejuaraan Catur Kontinental Asia Piala Manny Pacquiao 2013, Minggu (19/5/2013) di Pasay City, Manila, Filipina, tiga pecatur remaja putri Indonesia berjaya.

MANILA, Saco- Indonesia.com — Di babak kedua Kejuaraan Catur Kontinental Asia Piala Manny Pacquiao 2013, Minggu (19/5/2013) di Pasay City, Manila, Filipina, tiga pecatur remaja putri Indonesia berjaya. WFM Dewi Ardiani Anastasia Citra (19), Nadya Anggraeni Mukmin (17), dan WFM Dita Karenza (13) masing-masing mendapat satu poin setelah mengalahkan lawan-lawannya.

Citra yang memiliki rating 2155 itu mengalahkan Sharmin Shirin Sultana (2005) dari Banglades. Lawan Citra memang memiliki rating lebih rendah dan belum memiliki gelar. Citra memang lebih diunggulkan di babak kedua ini. Yang juga menggembirakan, Nadya (1854) berhasil mengalahkan WIM Bernadette Galas dari Filipina yang memiliki rating lebih tinggi, 2045.

Adapun Dita (1821) menaklukkan Jedara Docena (2019) dari Filipina. Citra, Nadya, dan Dita kalah di babak pertama, Sabtu lalu. Ada enam pecatur putri yang diberangkatkan ke kejuaraan ini. Tiga yang lain adalah WIM Medina Warda Aulia, WIM Chelsie Monica Sihite, dan Yemi Jelsen. Sayang, ketiganya kalah di babak kedua ini.

Medina dan Yemi juga kalah di babak pertama, tapi Chelsie menang. Itu berarti, empat dari enam pecatur putri mengantongi satu poin dalam dua babak ini. Adapun dua pecatur lain masih nol. Masih ada tujuh babak yang harus dimainkan. Kesempatan masih terbuka luas untuk menambah poin.

Di bagian putra, lima pecatur menuai hasil remis. Satu pecatur menang, yakni Hamdani Rudin. Adapun pecatur yang kalah adalah Yoseph Theolifus Taher. Berikut daftarnya: 1. Yoseph Theolifus Taher (0) kalah dari GM John Paul Gomez (2511) dari Filipina; 2. IM Farid Firman Syah (2369) remis versus GM Krishnan Sasikiran (2669) dari India; 3. GM Susanto Megaranto (2531) remis melawan Bai Jinshi (2369) dari China; 4. Masruri Rahman (2165) menahan imbang IM Kirill Kuderinov (2442) dari Kazakhstan; 5. Mohamad Ervan (2162) remis melawan FM Gombosuren Munkhgal (2427) dari Mongolia; 6. CM Muhammad Luthfi Ali (2246) remis melawan FM Tuan Minh Tran (2399) dari Vietnam; 7. FM Hamdani Rudin (2341)mengalahkan Adelardo Pagente (1906) dari Filipina.


Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)

Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Bukan rahasia umum lagi jika akhir-akhir ini listrik sering mati mendadak karena ada pemadaman bergilir atau

saco-indonesia.com, Bukan rahasia umum lagi jika akhir-akhir ini listrik sering mati mendadak karena ada pemadaman bergilir atau karena ada kerusakan pada peralatan milik PLN yang telah diakibatkan faktor oleh cuaca. Seringkali pemadaman telah berlangsung dalam waktu yang cukup lama sehingga kita tidak dapat melakukan kegiatan apapun yang berhubungan dengan peralatan listrik baik di rumah maupun di kantor. Jika kegiatan tersebut hanya bersifat hiburan, kita tentu dapat menahan diri dan sedikit bersabar. Akan tetapi, jika kegiatan tersebut berhubungan dengan kegiatan bisnis, misalnya bisnis online dengan penggunaan komputer dan modem internet yang telah membutuhkan aliran listrik, maka kerugian yang akan ditanggung selama pemadaman tersebut bisa mencapai angka yang cukup besar.

Melayangkan pengaduan atau keluhan kepada PLN mungkin bisa dilakukan, akan tetapi solusi yang akan diharapkan belum tentu bisa cepat terealisasi terutama untuk masalah yang cukup besar. Hal iniliah yang membuat banyak orang telah memilih untuk membeli genset atau portable generator sebagai sumber energi listrik cadangan ketika aliran listrik tengah padam. Apa saja yang perlu diperhatikan sebelum kita membeli genset? Mari kita simak poin-poin penting berikut!

Tips Membeli Genset

    Menghitung seberapa besar daya yang akan kita butuhkan. Dengan penghitungan yang lebih baik, kebutuhan listrik kita juga akan tetap terpenuhi sekalipun kita tengah menggunakan genset. Kita juga dapat menghitungnya dengan memperhatikan alat-alat apa saja yang biasa kita gunakan di rumah seperti jumlah lampu, komputer, TV, lemari es, dan lain-lain. Jika ingin lebih mudah, kita hanya perlu memperhatikan kapasitas daya listrik yang telah kita miliki di rumah. Yang paling perlu diperhatikan adalah pemilihan genset dengan daya yang sama atau lebih besar dari yang telah kita miliki.
    Memperhatikan jenis genset berdasarkan bahan bakarnya. Pemilihan genset dengan bahan bakar yang berbeda mungkin tidak terlalu berpengaruh kepada jumlah biaya yang harus kita keluarkan untuk dapat membeli bahan bakar tersebut mengingat harga bensin dan solar relatif sama. Akan tetapi, pemilihan genset dengan memperhatikan jenis bahan bakarnya juga dapat memberikan kita petunjuk tentang besar kapasitas daya yang telah dihasilkan. Biasanya, genset dengan kapasitas besar (4000 watt ke atas). Oleh karena itu, anda dapat mengeliminasi pilihan ini jika anda membutuhkan genset untuk kebutuhan rumah tangga.
    Memilih model genset berdasarkan ukuran dan tingkat kebisingan. Kita mungkin tidak memiliki ruangan yang cukup luas untuk dapat meletakkan genset yang kita beli di rumah. Dengan demikian, memilih genset yang berukuran kecil juga merupakan solusi yang terbaik walaupun seringkali ukuran fisik genset berbanding lurus dengan kapasitasnya. Produsen genset juga telah memberikan pilihan yang cukup variatif mengenai suara yang telah dihasilkan oleh mesin tersebut. Pilihan produk dengan tingkat kebisingan rendah adalah yang paling masuk akal untuk digunakan di rumah.
    Menyesuaikan produk yang diinginkan dengan kondisi keuangan. Nah, ini adalah aspek yang paling penting menurut sebagian besar orang. Lalu, kenapa aspek ini harus ada di urutan ke-empat? Kita bisa saja membeli produk yang murah. Akan tetapi, jika kita melihat kembali seberapa penting fungsi genset untuk dapat mendukung aktifitas kita, membeli genset atas dasar harga yang murah bisa jadi cukup beresiko. Ketika kita salah dalam menentukan pilihan hanya karena harga murah yang ditawarkan, hal ini juga dapat berakibat pada tidak maksimalnya fungsi genset tersebut sehingga kita membutuhkan yang baru dengan kapasitas lebih besar dan harga yang lebih mahal.

Di luar kebutuhan kita akan genset yang seringkali mendesak ketika listrik padam, kita tentu berharap pasokan listrik dari PLN dapat kita nikmati dengan nyaman dan stabil. Semoga tips ini bermanfaat.


Editor : Dian Sukmawatid

saco-indonesia.com, Menteri Sosial Salim Segaf Al Jufri juga mengaku telah memiliki 10 program untuk dapat menciptakan kesejahte

saco-indonesia.com, Menteri Sosial Salim Segaf Al Jufri juga mengaku telah memiliki 10 program untuk dapat menciptakan kesejahteraan masyarakat di 2014 mendatang . 10 Program itu di antaranya; Program Keluarga Harapan (PHK), RS Bedah Kampung, Kelompok Usaha Bersama (KUBE), Pelayanan Kesejahteraan Sosial Anak, Rehabilitas Sosial, Pelayanan Sosial Lanjut Usia, Pemberdayaan Komunitas Adat Terpencil, Taruna Siaga Bencana dan Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Bermasalah.

"Ekspektasi 2014 kita kesejahteraan sosial. Bagaimana ending-nya kita bisa berbagi kepada masyarakat dengan cara apa? Memunculkan ide-ide yang brainstorming," kata Salim di Gedung Kemensos, Jakarta, Selasa (24/12).

Pihaknya juga akan melakukan bedah kampung untuk dapat menangani persoalan kemiskinan. Program tersebut diharapkan agar dapat memperbaiki kesejahteraan masyarakat.

"Bedah kampung adalah jalan pembuka bagi pembedah masalah sosial, di mana semangat kesetiakawanan sosial, peduli dan berbagai menjadi dasar dalam pelaksanaannya," ujarnya.

Salim juga menambahkan, sesuai dengan UU No 11 Tahun 2009 tentang Kesejahteraan Sosial, pihaknya juga berjanji akan tetap fokus dalam kampanye di sektor kementerian, pemerintah daerah (Pemda), dunia usaha, media massa, pegiat kesejahteraan sosial, dan dunia pendidikan yang bertujuan untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat.

"Melalui kampanye program yang terarah, sehingga nyata peningkatan kesos akan berhasil," imbuh Salim.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Berbagai cara untuk dapat meraup banyak suara telah dilakukan oleh para calon anggota legislatif (caleg) menjelang pemilihan legislatif (pileg) 2014 mendatang. Salah satunya dengan cara menyulap sebanyak 2 pos keamanan lingkungan (Poskamling) yang ada di dua desa, di sekitar Kawasan Obyek Wisata Candi Borobudur menjadi posko pemenangan Caleg Nomor 1 di Kabupaten Magelang, Sariyan dari PDI Perjuangan.

Berbagai cara untuk dapat meraup banyak suara telah dilakukan oleh para calon anggota legislatif (caleg) menjelang pemilihan legislatif (pileg) 2014 mendatang. Salah satunya dengan cara menyulap sebanyak 2 pos keamanan lingkungan (Poskamling) yang ada di dua desa, di sekitar Kawasan Obyek Wisata Candi Borobudur menjadi posko pemenangan Caleg Nomor 1 di Kabupaten Magelang, Sariyan dari PDI Perjuangan.

Kedua poskamling di Kecamatan Borobudur yang telah disulap oleh caleg PDI P itu adalah poskamling yang ada di Dusun Tanjungsari, Desa Tanjugsari dan poskamling yang ada Dusun Beder, Desa Ngadiharjo.

di kedua poskamling yang sudah warnanya berubah menjadi merah itu telah terpasang baliho besar berukuran sekitar 1 meter x 5 meter berwarna merah. Di situ kedua poskamling terdapat tulisan "Posko Pasukan Banteng Berdikari" dengan dibubuhkan masing-masing nama dusun setempat.

Kemudian terpampang beberapa nama dan foto tokoh PDI P yaitu; foto Presiden Soekarno, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Puan Maharani, Jokowi dan Ganjar Pranowo. Foto dan tokoh yang paling besar adalah foto Sariyan, caleg dari PDI P Kabupaten Magelang yang berada disebelah paling kiri baliho.

Petugas Panitia Pengawas Kecamatan (Panwascam) Borobudur M. Aziz telah menjelaskan temuan adanya poskamling yang disulap menjadi pos pencalegan adalah terjadi sepekan lalu. Dirinya telah mendapatkan laporan dari dua orang tokoh partai pesaingnya yaitu dari PPP dan PKB.

Kemudian, dirinya juga memanggil kedua aparat desa di dua wilayah yang terdapat poskamling yang disulap jadi pos caleg itu. Di Desa Tanjungsari, panwascam memanggil dan mengklarifikasi M. Arifin yang juga merupakan kepala desa setempat.

"Dari hasil keterangan kadesnya telah didapati info bahwa poskamling yang ada di Dusun Tanjungsari juga merupakan poskamling milik desa yang berdiri di atas tanah bengkok desa," ungkapnya.

Aziz juga menambahkan, langkah pemanggilan dan klarifikasi itu dilakukan karena sesuai dengan aturan alih fungsi dari poskamling menjadi posko caleg ini telah melanggar tiga aturan KPU. Ketiga aturan itu adalah Peraturan KPU No. 1 Tahun 2013 tentang Alat Peraga Kampanye (APK) Peraturan KPU 15 Tahun 2013 tentang larangan fasilitas umum digunakan untuk kampanye dan Keputusan KPU Nomor 7 Tahun 2013 tentang APK dan zona kampanye.

"Besok rencana kita surati KPU Kabupaten Magelang dan Panwas Kabupaten Magelang. Kemudian membuat rekomendasi ke KPU melalui Panwas Kabupaten Magelang dan akan direkomondasikan ke Satpol PP untuk dilakukan penertiban," ungkapnya.

Tiga orang warga Tais, Kabupaten Seluma, Bengkulu, hilang terseret arus Sungai Seluma. Sementara satu orang telah berhasil menyelamatkan diri.

Tiga orang warga Tais, Kabupaten Seluma, Bengkulu, hilang terseret arus Sungai Seluma. Sementara satu orang telah berhasil menyelamatkan diri.

"Satu orang sudah ditemukan dalam kondisi tak bernyawa, sedangkan tiga orang masih hilang," kata Kepala Bidang Pelayanan Palang Merah Indonesia Provinsi Bengkulu Vice Elesse saat dihubungi dari Bengkulu, Jumat (14/3).

Vice yang sudah berada di tempat kejadian mengatakan bahwa lima orang warga itu berada di Sungai Seluma pada Kamis (13/3) sore untuk berbagai aktivitas.

Tiga orang korban yang masih hilang yakni Dayat (25) dan putranya Charsel (3) dan seorang anak lainnya Selfy (9). Sedangkan korban meninggal yang sudah ditemukan yakni Atri (9).

Para korban, kata dia, saat itu berenang di dekat bendungan Seluma itu, dan kegiatan tersebut rutin dilakukan warga setempat.

"Tidak hanya berenang atau sekadar mandi, korban lain Dayat dan anaknya Charsel sedang mencuci kendaraan roda empat lalu tiba-tiba terjadi air bah," katanya.

Hingga saat ini, kata Vice, Tim SAR juga masih menyisir sungai untuk dapat mencari korban hilang dan pencarian akan diperluas ke muara sungai yang jaraknya berkisar 12 kilometer.

Seorang saksi mata Yedi juga mengatakan bahwa saat air sungai tiba-tiba naik dan arus kencang sehingga menghayutkan kelima warga.

"Tiba-tiba air sungai naik dan arus deras, warna air hitam pekat," katanya.

Ratusan warga juga terlibat membantu Tim SAR untuk mencari korban yang masih hilang di mana dua orang korban yakni Dayat dan Charsel merupakan anak dan cucu mantan bupati Seluma, Murman Efendi.

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.