Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Fakfak

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Fakfak Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Fakfak

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Kepulauan Mentawai

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Kepulauan Mentawai Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Kepulauan Mentawai

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Papua Barat

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Papua Barat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Papua Barat

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva di Batubara

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva di Batubara Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva di Batubara

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yalimo

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yalimo Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yalimo

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sanggau

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sanggau Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sanggau

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yahukimo

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yahukimo Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Yahukimo

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 70 kva Prime power type 1004TG bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tulungagung

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 70 kva Prime power type 1004TG bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tulungagung Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 70 kva Prime power type 1004TG bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tulungagung

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Waropen

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Waropen Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Waropen

Jual Sparepart genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Brebes

Jual Sparepart genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Brebes Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Brebes

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tolikara

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tolikara Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tolikara

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 170 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG4 di Pacitan

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 170 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG4 di Pacitan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 170 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG4 di Pacitan

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Supiori

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Supiori Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Supiori

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Metro

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Metro Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up bergaransi dan berkualitas di Metro

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sarmi

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sarmi Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sarmi

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tana Tidung

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tana Tidung Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 bergaransi dan berkualitas di Tana Tidung

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak Jaya

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak Jaya Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Puncak Jaya

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Supiori

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Supiori Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Supiori

saco-indonesia.com, Bagi pasangan yang baru hendak akan menimang cahaya mata sudah pastinya sangat teruja untuk dapat membeli ke

saco-indonesia.com, Bagi pasangan yang baru hendak akan menimang cahaya mata sudah pastinya sangat teruja untuk dapat membeli keperluan bayi terutamnya baju bayi. Apapun jangan sampai anda terlebih bajet kerana pakaian bayi selalunya tidak boleh dipakai dalam jangka masa yang lama disebabkan bayi akan cepat membesar. Selain itu, para ibu bapa juga harus bijak dalam membuat pilihan yang terbaik buat si manja.

Di sini kami juga ingin berbagi beberapa tip untuk para ibu dan bapa baru di luar sana untuk dapat membeli pakaian bayi:

Keselesaan
Jangan memilih dan membeli baju kerana cantik pada pandangan mata semata-mata sebaliknya fikirlah faktor keselesaan untuk si manja anda sama. Sebagai contoh; pilih lah baju dari fabrik yang berbahan lembut dan diperbuat dari kapas 100%. Selain itu pastikan juga rekaan baju tersebut terlihat longgar dan bukaan leher yang luas agar tidak mencekik.

Mudah
Pastikan juga pakaian bayi anda fleksibel dan praktikal. yaitu mudah dibuka dan dipakaikan kepada bayi. Bayi juga kerap membuang air jadi kita akan kerap menukar lampin maka seharusnya pakaian yang pakai haruslah mudah untuk dibuka dan dipakaikan semula agar bayi anda sentiasa selesa.

Kesesuaian saiz
Juga pastikan anda membeli pakaian bayi mengikut saiz yang bersesuaian. Adalah digalakkan dalam membeli saiz baju yang lebih besar sedikit dari saiz badan bayi anda. Ini sudah tentunya akan menjimatkan anda karena pakaian ini hanya boleh dipakai dalam jangka masa yang lama.

Corak dan aksesori
Tidak dinafikan kita akan mudah tertarik pada corak pakaian bayi yang comel lagi fancy itu. Jika pakaian itu telah mempunyai aksesori tertentu pastikan aksesori itu tidak terlalu sarat sehingga mengganggu pergerakan bayi anda. Jangan untuk kelihatan cantik nanti jari si comel anda tersangkut pada juntaian aksesori yang terdapat pada pakaian yang anda beli.

Tip : Jumlah pakaian yang diperlukan bayi
Di bawah ada bebrapa tip atau panduan untuk anda memilih dan membeli pakaian bayi anda agar anda tidak perlu membazir, cukup dengan cara bersederhana.
• 6 helai baju nipis tanpa lengan
• 6 helai jumpsuits
• 2 helai pakaian malam atau jumpsuits khusus dipakai pada waktu tidur
• 3 helai kemeja T
• Sehelai kardigan atau jaket (dipakai ketika cuaca sejuk)
• Sepasang topi diperbuat daripada kain kapas
• Beberapa pasang stoking


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Rental Mobil Tangerang adalah tempat persewaan mobil yang telah memberikan pelayanan terbaik dalam usaha rental mobil Jakarta Se

Rental Mobil Tangerang adalah tempat persewaan mobil yang telah memberikan pelayanan terbaik dalam usaha rental mobil Jakarta Selatan. Sebagai pelaku bisnis penyewaan mobil, Rental Mobil Tangerang yakin kepuasan pelanggan adalah kata kunci usaha penyewaan mobil.

Pelanggan jasa penyewaan mobil mengaharapkan pelayanan terbaik dari penyedia jasa rental mobil. Jenis mobil yang disewakan sangat beragam mulai dari mobil Innova, Avanza, Xenia, Apv. Xenia, dan lainnya. Kendaraan disewakan harus rapih ,bersih,  dan terawat . Pelayanan rental mobil telah meliputi sewa mobil harian atau rental mobil bulanan.

Sewa mobil harian disertai dengan supir berpengalaman, untuk rental mobil bulanan dapat disertai tidak dengan supir. Untuk harga sewa mobil , Rental Mobil Tangerang menerapkan harga sewa mobil yang terjangkau oleh konsumen. Harga rental mobil di Jakarta sangat  bervariasi, untuk itu harga sewa mobil murah dicari oleh konsumen rental mobil di Jakarta.

Pelayanan jasa sewa mobil yang diberikan oleh Rental Mobil Lestari ;

-  Jenis mobil  disewakan beragan dari Toyota Innova, New Avanza, Daihatsu Xenia, Suzuki APV Arena,

-  Mobil disewakan rapi, bersih, dan terawat.

-  Pelayanan jasa sewa mobil  24 jam

-  Rental mobil bulanan atau sewa mobil harian

-  Sewa mobil untuk dalam kota maupun luar kota

-  Jasa penyewaan mobil antar jemput bandara Soekarno Hatta

-  Harga sewa mobil yang terjangkau

-  Supir yang terdidik dan berpengalaman baik dalam maupun luar kota

-  Discount harga sewa mobil bagi para pelanggan Rental Mobil Lestari

-  Memberikan solusi bagi calaon konsumen untuk transportasi / rental mobil

-  Dan lainnya

Pelayanan dan Reservasi dapat menghubungi kontak kami yang sudah tersedia

saco-indonesia.com, Kagagalan 1 Kunci Keberhasilan, Kemunduran 1 Tanda Kekalahan

saco-indonesia.com, Kagagalan 1 Kunci Keberhasilan,  Kemunduran 1 Tanda Kekalahan

Reshopa shop, online shop nya cewek dan cowok yang menjual produk sepatu, baju, jaket, tas, dll. Dengan harga terjangkau .....

Reshopa shop, online shop nya cewek dan cowok yang menjual produk sepatu, baju, jaket, tas, dll.

Dengan harga terjangkau dan dijamin bagus sob.

Contact person nya juga ada, atau langsung aja hubungi 087712022906 atau PIN BB 295FF7E4 , LINE nya Retno A, Instagram nya ReShopa2 .

Dijamin belanja Anda sesuai deh. Harga belum termasuk ongkos kirim.

Barang rata-rata dari kota Bandung, jadi di pastikan ongkir nya murah bro. Untuk liat barang nya, langsung aja liat di blog atau Facebook nya Retno Anggorowati , jangan kuatir di sini nggak ada penipuan, di jamin 1000%, foto barang sama aslinya dijamin 99,99% sama. Ayoooo... Yang belum order, mulai deh order dari sekarang. HAPPY SHOPPING ya ^^


yang berminat bisa kunjungi produk2 kami di
www.reshopa.blogspot.com/


hp: 087712022906 

PIN BB 295FF7E4

"bagus"" ruko 3 lantai,, luas tanah 92 m2,, dimensi 5 meter x 13 meter,, halaman luas,, strategis di pinggir

"bagus""
ruko 3 lantai,,
luas tanah 92 m2,,
dimensi 5 meter x 13 meter,,
halaman luas,,
strategis di pinggir jalan,,
di depan perum elit one gate lestari living buana,,
3 lantai,,
tiap lantai ada kamar mandi,,
line telp + internet,,
sumur bOr,,
jalan utama buana kubu,,
monang maning,,
pemecutan,,
dekat jalan mahendra data,,
denpasar,,
harga 2,2 mily,,nego,,

 

 

jika ada yang minat bisa hub:085320326752 pin:298C0391

Objek wisata ini telah terletak di Desa Sukaresik Kecamatan Sidamulih ke arah Batu Hiu belok kiri. Di objek wisata ini pengunjun

Objek wisata ini telah terletak di Desa Sukaresik Kecamatan Sidamulih ke arah Batu Hiu belok kiri. Di objek wisata ini pengunjung selain dapat menikmati keindahan alam juga dapat melakukan rekreasi berupa bersampan, memancing dan berkemah. Fasilitas yang tersedia berupa kedai makanan dan minuman dan pondok wisata.

Tahun ini (2008), rencananya di Pantai Karang Tirta juga akan dibangun Pintu Gerbang Wisata (Gazebo-4 buah) oleh Pemkab Ciamis melalui Disbudpar.

Pantai Karang Tirta juga telah memilik sedikit hutan yang disebut Leuweung Nusa, di dalamnya juga terdapat berbagai jenis tanaman yang sudah lama tumbuh dan ada di sana sejak dahulu.

Pantai Karang Tirta cocok untuk dapat dikembangkan menjadi tempat kegiatan out bond, hal tersebut telah didukung oleh wisata alam yang ada disekitarnya, seperti : kolam, sungai, muara, delta, sawah, hutan, dan lainya.

Di Pantai Karang Tirta Anda juga dapat melakukan kegiatan seperti bermain perahu, berenang, kemping, memancing, menjala ikan, mencari taritip (semacam seafood), juga dapat mencoba membuat gula dari kelapa (wisata agro), belajar membuat opak made in Cipari, belajar nari ronggeng, melihat pembuatan wayang golek (wisata Budaya), serta ada makanan khas di daerah ini yaitu Pindang Gunung - sejenis sup lauk (Wisata Kuliner).

 

 Tips Komunikasi Bagaimana cara berkomunikasi dengan keluarga di tanah air ketika Anda tengah beribadah haji dan umrah? Be

 Tips Komunikasi
Bagaimana cara berkomunikasi dengan keluarga di tanah air ketika Anda tengah beribadah haji dan umrah? Berikut tips yang pasti berguna:

Dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia

    Menggunakan Sambungan Langsung Internasional (tanpa operator) dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia:
    00 62 + KODE KOTA + nomor yang dituju
    Dari kamar hotel harus menambah nomor depan (prefix number) yang berbeda untuk tiap hotel.
    Menggunakan sambungan telepon Indonesia Direct (collect call) dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia:
    1 800 62 langsung terhubung dengan operator telepon di Indonesia yang kemudian akan menghubungi nomor yang dikehendaki.
    Menggunakan handphone
    01 016966 + no. handphone yang dituju (tanpa angka 0 di depannya)
    Menggunakan SMS, langsung saja seperti SMS di tanah air.

Dari Indonesia ke Arab Saudi

    Menggunakan Sambungan Langsung Internasional (tanpa operator)
    001 966 + KODE KOTA + nomor yang dituju
    Kode kota di Arab Saudi:
    Makkah: 2
    Madinah: 4
    Jeddah: 2
    Menggunakan operator 101
    Menggunakan sambungan handphone, langsung tekan nomor yang dituju seperti menelpon dengan handphone di tanah air.
    Menggunakan SMS, langsung saja seperti SMS di tanah air.

Sumber : http://birohajidanumrah.blogspot.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : AMALAN YANG SETARA DENGAN HAJI DAN UMRAH

 

Lenovo telah menegaskan akan mempertahankan merek Motorola setelah vendor asal China itu mengakuisisi vendor ponsel tersebut.

Lenovo telah menegaskan akan mempertahankan merek Motorola setelah vendor asal China itu mengakuisisi vendor ponsel tersebut.

"Motorola juga merupakan brand yang sangat kuat di AS dan Eropa. Seperti halnya produk-produk IBM, kami juga akan mempertahankan merek Motorola selain tetap mengembangkan smartphone merek Lenovo," ujar Country General Manager Lenovo Indonesia Rajesh thadani.

Menurut dia, saat ini pihaknya dan Motorola tengah dalam masa transmisi dan konsolidasi bisnis, sehingga belum dapat diketahui rencana Lenovo ke depan terhadap Motorola.

Namun, kata Rajesh, akuisisi Motorola dan unit bisnis server x86 IBM makin melengkapi portofolio Lenovo dan sekaligus memperkuat bisnis smartphone, PC, dan tabletnya di level global.

Lenovo telah resmi mengakuisisi divisi ponsel Motorola dari Google Inc senilai USD 2,91 miliar. Angka ini juga merupakan nilai akuisisi terbesar di industri teknologi di China.

Dikutip dari GSMArena, sebagai bagian dari akuisisi tersebut, Google juga akan mempertahankan sebagian besar portofolio paten Motorola seperti current applications dan invention disclosures. Lenovo sendiri juga akan mengakuisisi sekitar 2 ribu paten disamping merek Motorola Mobility dan merek dagang Motorola.

Hubungan Minangkabau dengan bangsa Barat yang pertama kali dilakukan dengan bangsa Portugis. Menurut berita Portugis, permulaan

Hubungan Minangkabau dengan bangsa Barat yang pertama kali dilakukan dengan bangsa Portugis. Menurut berita Portugis, permulaan abad ke 16 ada utusan kerajaan Melayu yang datang ke Malaka. Kedatangan utusan tersebut adalah untuk membicarakan masalah perdagangan dengan bangsa Portugis yang waktu itu menguasai Malaka. Tetapi dengan berhasilnya Aceh menguasai pesisir barat pulau Sumatera, maka hubungan dagang dengan Portugis itu terputus. Dengan bangsa Belanda hubungan Minangkabau terjadi pertama kali kira-kira tahun 1600, diwaktu Pieter Both memerintahkan Laksamana Muda Van Gaedenn membeli lada ke pantai barat pulau Sumatera. Waktu itu beberapa pelabuhan yang ada disana menolak permintaan Belanda dibawah kekuasaan Kerajaan Aceh. Pada waktu Sultan Iskandar Muda dari kerajaan Aceh meninggal dunia, maka kekuasaan kerajaan Aceh menjadi lemah, sehingga mulai tahun 1636 sewaktu Iskandar Muda meninggal dunia, daerah-daerah Pesisir Barat kerajaan Pagaruyung mulai membebaskan diri dari kekuasaan Aceh dan melakukan hubungan dagang langsung dengan Belanda, seperti yang dilakukan oleh raja-raja Batang Kapas, Salido, Bayang di Pesisir Selatan. Pada tahun 1641 Belanda merebut Malaka dari Portugis dan semenjak itu Belanda mulai memperbesar pengaruhnya di pesisir barat Sumatera untuk menggantikan kerajaan Aceh. Mula-mula Belanda mendirikan kantor dagangnya di Inderapura terus ke Salido. Kemudian di Pulau Cingkuak juga didirikan lojinya pada tahun 1664 untuk mengatasi perlawanan rakyat pesisir yang dikoordinir oleh Aceh. Untuk melepaskan pesisir barat pulau Sumatera dari pengaruh Aceh, maka Belanda melakukan perjanjian dengan raja Pagaruyung yang merupakan pemilik sesungguhnya dari daerah tersebut. Oleh raja Pagaruyung Belanda diberikan kebebasan untuk mengatur perdagangannya pada daerah tersebut. Perjanjian itu dilakukan pihak Belanda dengan Sultan Ahmad Syah pada tahun 1668. Mulai saat itu Belanda, melangkah selangkah demi selangkah menanamkan pengaruhnya di Sumatera Barat dengan jalan politik pecah belahnya yang terkenal itu. Disatu pihak mereka menimbulkan perlawanan rakyatnya terhadap raja atau pemimpinnya sesudah itu mereka datang sebagai juru selamat dengan mendapat imbalan yang sangat merugikan pihak Minangkabau, sehingga akhirnya seluruh Minangkabau dapat dikuasai Belanda. Semenjak abad ke 17 terjadi persaingan dagang yang sangat memuncak antara bangsa Belanda dengan bangsa Inggris di Indonesia. Pada tahun 1684 Belanda dapat mengusir Inggris berdagang di Banten. Sebaliknya Inggris masih dapat bertahan di daerah Maluku dan menguasai perdagangan di daerah pesisir Sumatera Bagian Barat. Pada tahun 1786 berhasil menguasai pulau Penang di Selat Malaka sehingga mereka dapat mengontrol jalan dagang diseluruh pulau Sumatera. Sumatera mulai dibanjri oleh barang-barang dagang Inggris. Tentu saja hal ini sangat merugikan pihak Belanda. Tahun 1780-1784 pecah perang antara Inggris dan Belanda di Eropa. Peperangan ini merambat pula sampai ke daerah-daerah koloni yang mereka kuasai di seberang lautan. Pada tahun 1781 Inggris menyerang kedudukan Belanda di Padang dari pusat kedudukannya di Bengkulu, dan Padang serta benteng Belanda di Pulau Cingkuak di hancurkan. Dengan demikian pusat perdagangan berpindah ke Bengkulu. Setelah terjadi perjanjian antara kerajaan Belanda dengan kerajaan Inggris maka Inggris terpaksa mengembalikan seluruh daerah yang sudah direbutnya. Bangsa Prancis yang pernah datang ke Sumatera Barat, yaitu ketika bajak laut yang dipimpin oleh Kapten Le Me dengan anak buahnya mendarat di Pantai Air Manis Padang. Hal ini terjadi pada tahun 1793. mereka dapat merebut Kota Padang dan mendudukinya selama lima hari. Setelah mereka merampok kota, mereka pergi lagi. Pada tahun 1795 Inggris merebut Padang lagi, karena terlibat perang lagi dengan Belanda.

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.