Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Wondama

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Wondama Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Wondama

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Nias Barat

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Nias Barat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins 175Kva Silent Open Built Up di Nias Barat

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Bintuni

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Bintuni Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Bintuni

Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent Murah di Sukabumi

Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent Murah di Sukabumi Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Genset Cummins 37 Kva Silent Murah di Sukabumi

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tambrauw

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tambrauw Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tambrauw

Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up Murah di Konawe Selatan

Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up Murah di Konawe Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up Murah di Konawe Selatan

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Selatan

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Selatan

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Jombang

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Jombang Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Jombang

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong

Jual Sparepart genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent di Subang

Jual Sparepart genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent di Subang Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent di Subang

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Raja Ampat

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Raja Ampat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Raja Ampat

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Lampung Utara

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Lampung Utara Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 40 kva Prime power type 1004G Murah di Lampung Utara

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Maybrat

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Maybrat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Maybrat

Jual Sparepart genset LOVOL OPEN DAN SILENT KAP 45KVA -175KVA Murah di Bangli

Jual Sparepart genset LOVOL OPEN DAN SILENT KAP 45KVA -175KVA Murah di Bangli Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart genset LOVOL OPEN DAN SILENT KAP 45KVA -175KVA Murah di Bangli

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Manokwari

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Manokwari Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Manokwari

Jual Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sarolangun

Jual Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sarolangun Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Genset Cummins 80Kva bergaransi dan berkualitas di Sarolangun

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Kaimana

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Kaimana Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Kaimana

Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Lebong

Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Lebong Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).

Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva di Lebong

saco-indonesia.com, Kepala Dinas Perhubungan DKI Jakarta Udar Pristono tidak sepakat dengan warga Pondok Indah yang menganggap busway Koridor VIII (Lebak Bulus-Harmoni)

JAKARTA, Saco- Indoensia.com — Kepala Dinas Perhubungan DKI Jakarta Udar Pristono tidak sepakat dengan warga Pondok Indah yang menganggap busway Koridor VIII (Lebak Bulus-Harmoni) tidak efektif melintas di kawasan elite tersebut. Menurutnya, tidak ada alasan jalur Koridor VIII dipindah.

"Pondok Indah adalah jalan utama. Ada rumah sakit dan pertokoan. Jadi, untuk angkutan massal cocok karena penumpangnya banyak. Bangun angkutan massal kan bukan sekadarnya, tapi yang memang penumpangnya banyak," kata Udar saat ditemui di Mapolsek Pasar Minggu, Jakarta Selatan, Senin (3/6/2013).

Udar mengatakan bahwa luas Jalan Metro Pondok Indah sudah memenuhi kriteria untuk dibangun jalur busway dibanding harus dipindahkan ke jalan di kawasan Pondok Pinang, seperti usulan warga Pondok Indah.

"Geometrik jalan (Pondok Indah) mendukung, kalau dialihkan ke Pondok Pinang kan jalannya sempit," jelas Udar.

Untuk diketahui, sejumlah warga Pondok Indah yang tergabung dalam Panca RW melakukan musyawarah di Taman Puspita, Pondok Indah, Jakarta Selatan, pada Minggu (2/6/2013). Mereka menyampaikan permintaan agar Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta memindahkan jalur bus transjakarta dari Jalan Metro Pondok Indah.

Menurut mereka, keberadaan busway di Jalan Metro Pondok Indah kurang begitu diminati masyarakat. Hal tersebut dapat terlihat dari jarangnya orang yang menumpang bus transjakarta dan untuk halte- halte bus transjakarta pun sering kali terlihat sepi.

Selain itu, kata warga, keberadaan jalur busway yang ada sejak tahun 2009 itu justru membuat Jalan Metro Pondok Indah semakin bertambah macet.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana

Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Tips Memilih Model Busana Muslim Anak Buat anak-anak aturan tata cara dalam berbusana tidak seketat se

saco-indonesia.com,

Tips Memilih Model Busana Muslim Anak

Buat anak-anak aturan tata cara dalam berbusana tidak seketat seperti layaknya orang dewasa, yang paling penting buat anak-anak adalah adanya kenyamanan serta keamanan dalam berbusana . Silahkan baca bagaimana cara untuk memilih busana pakaian muslim anak :

1. Anda juga bisa mencarikan baju muslim anak dengan bahan yang telah terbuat dari bahan katun atau bisa juga dari bahan kaos yang lembut. bahan katun akan lebih ringan dan tidak terasa panas, dan tentu saja bisa dapat menyerap keringat dengan sangat baik, sehingga akan sangat cocok jika busana anak ini di pakaikan untuk anak kecil yang pergerakannya sangat tinggi.

2. Untuk pemilihan warna pakaian muslim anak , Anda juga bisa memilih warna baju muslim anak yang disukai mereka. Karena sifat anak umumnya ceria, agar dapat membuat anak bisa tampil fresh, ceria dan trendy, dalam memilih warna baju muslim anak paling tepat adalah yang berwarna terang atau penuh warna-warni.

3. Pilihkan Anak model baju muslim yang agak longgar, hal ini juga dapat memberi keleluasaan dalam bergerak buat si anak.

4. Anak-anak umumnya suka pada pernak pernik, buat pakaian busana muslim anak perempuan pilihkan baju muslim yang ada aksesorisnya seperti manik-manik, bunga ataupun kalung kecil yang menempel pada bahan baju muslim tersebut dan hal ini juga akan mmbuat anak semakin cantik dan kelihatan lucu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Aparat kepolisian belum dapat memastikan apakah pelaku bom bunuh diri di Markas Polres Poso, Sulawesi Tengah, Senin (3/6/2013), terkait dengan kelompok Solo pimpinan Badri Hartono.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Aparat kepolisian belum dapat memastikan apakah pelaku bom bunuh diri di Markas Polres Poso, Sulawesi Tengah, Senin (3/6/2013), terkait dengan kelompok Solo pimpinan Badri Hartono.

"Kami belum dapat memastikan karena Densus masih mendalami," kata Kepala Divisi Humas Polri Inspektur Jenderal Suhardi Alius di Jakarta, Senin (3/6/2013).

Suhardi menambahkan, aparat kepolisian juga belum dapat memastikan apakah ledakan bom bunuh diri itu terkait dengan terpidana kasus terorisme yang melarikan diri dari lembaga pemasyarakatan di Sulteng, Basri.

Seperti diberitakan sebelumnya, bom bunuh diri terjadi di antara pos jaga Mapolres Poso dan masjid pada pukul 08.03 Wita. Pelaku awalnya memasuki halaman Mapolres Poso menggunakan sepeda motor seorang diri. Tak lama setelah itu, bom pun meledak. Pelaku dan motor yang dikendarainya hancur.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com

website itu apa Website adalah halaman informasi yang disediakan melalui jalur internet sehingga bisa diakses di seluruh dun

website itu apa

Website
adalah halaman informasi yang disediakan melalui jalur internet sehingga bisa diakses di seluruh dunia selama terkoneksi dengan jaringan internet. Website merupakan komponent atau kumpulan komponen yang terdiri dari teks, gambar, suara animasi sehingga lebih merupakan media informasi yang menarik untuk dikunjungi. Secara garis besar, website bisa digolongkan menjadi 3 bagian yaitu:

 

  1. Website Statis
  2. Website Dinamis
  3. Website Interaktif


Website Statis adalah web yang mempunyai halaman tidak berubah. Artinya adalah untuk melakukan perubahan pada suatu halaman dilakukan secara manual dengan mengedit code yang menjadi struktur dari website tersebut.

Website Dinamis merupakan website yang secara struktur diperuntukan untuk update sesering mungkin. Biasanya selain utama yang bisa diakses oleh user pada umumnya, juga disediakan halaman backend untuk mengedit kontent dari website. Contoh umum mengenai website dinamis adalah web berita atau web portal yang didalamnya terdapat fasilitas berita, polling dan sebagainya.

Website Interaktif adalah web yang saat ini memang sedang booming. Salah satu contoh website interaktif adalah blog dan forum. Di website ini user bisa berinteraksi dan beradu argument mengenai apa yang menjadi pemikiran mereka. Biasanya website seperti memiliki moderator untuk mengatur supaya topik yang diperbincangkan tidak keluar jalur....

andre webs

Genset SPYW 6 KVA - 60 KVA Genset SPYW 6 KVA - 60 KVA click to enlarge image Capacity : 6 KVA - 60

Genset SPYW 6 KVA - 60 KVA
Genset SPYW 6 KVA - 60 KVA
click to enlarge image Capacity : 6 KVA - 60 KVA Engine : Yanmar Alternator : Stamford

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saco-indonesia.com, Menteri Koordinator bidang Politik Hukum dan Keamanan Djoko Suyanto mengatakan, upaya pencegahan tindak pidana terorisme perlu diprioritaskan ke depannya.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Menteri Koordinator bidang Politik Hukum dan Keamanan Djoko Suyanto mengatakan, upaya pencegahan tindak pidana terorisme perlu diprioritaskan ke depannya. Pasalnya, sudah terbukti bahwa upaya penindakan tidak menyelesaikan masalah terorisme.

"Meskipun sudah banyak yang ditangkap, nyatanya masih ada orang-orang seperti itu (teroris). Pencegahan lebih penting," kata Djoko melalui pesan singkat, Senin (3/6/2013), menyikapi aksi bunuh diri di Mapolres Poso, Sulawesi Tengah.

Djoko berharap, berbagai pihak dan institusi yang terkait terlibat dalam upaya deradikalisasi. Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme, kata Djoko, sudah berusaha melakukan deradikalisasi bersama pihak lain. Hanya saja, tambahnya, perlu waktu dan kesabaran untuk mengubah mereka.

Anggota Komisi III DPR, Eva Kusuma Sundari, berharap BNPT segera menyelesaikan cetak biru strategi nasional penanggulangan terorisme. Dengan demikian, kata dia, ada koordinasi dari semua lembaga terkait dalam pemberantasan terorisme.

"Blue print ini penting untuk mengefektifkan program keseluruhan. Blue print juga akan membantu kesatuan langkah dalam pemberantasan terorisme, misalnya keputusan salah satu lembaga intelijen untuk merekrut bekas teroris tanpa pertimbangan komprehensif. Akibatnya bisa menyebabkan kegagalan operasi penindakan oleh lembaga lain," kata Eva.

"Blue print juga mendesak mengingat ancaman kelompok radikal sudah menjadi ancaman regional Asia-Pacific. Indonesia diharapkan menjadi mediator konflik internal dengan kelompok radikal di beberapa negara. Jika Poso masih menjadi hot spot, Indonesia kehilangan legitimasi di dunia diplomatik, baik regional maupun dunia," pungkas Eva.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com

Anda bingung mencari jasa sewa mobil di Semarang? Memang sudah selayaknya kita berhati-hati dalam memilih jasa sewa kendaraan. J

Anda bingung mencari jasa sewa mobil di Semarang? Memang sudah selayaknya kita berhati-hati dalam memilih jasa sewa kendaraan. Jika tidak cermat, salah-salah acara Anda akan berantakan karena hal-hal sepele yang sebenarnya tidak akan terjadi seandainya Anda mau teliti.

Tentu Anda tidak mau liburan yang seharusnya menyenangkan terkendala dengan adanya mesin mogok atau pendingin udara (AC) kendaraan yang tidak berfungsi dengan baik. Atau mungkin perjalanan dinas Anda tidak berjalan lancar dan membuat Anda hadir tidak tepat waktu yang kemungkinan akan meninggalkan kesan negatif pada mitra kerja Anda.

Sebelum menentukan menyewa kendaraan, ada baiknya Anda mengajukan beberapa pertanyaan kepada penyedia jasa. Misalnya, mengenai kontinyuitas perawatan mobil yang akan Anda gunakan, apakah dikenakan denda jika Anda terlambat mengembalikan dan berapa rupiah yang harus Anda bayarkan, apakah ada garansi jika pada saat Anda gunakan tiba-tiba mobil rusak. Tanyakan serinci mungkin apa yang menjadi keraguan Anda. Semakin Anda memahami, semakin bagus layanan yang akan Anda dapat.

Selain hal-hal tersebut, membandingkan harga juga harus menjadi prioritas. Hal ini juga akan berdampak pada pengeluaran yang lain. Misalnya, keluarga Anda hendak berlibur dan menyewa mobil, pastikan alokasi dana untuk jasa sewa mobil tidak mendominasi keseluruhan biaya liburan. Pikirkan juga biaya tiket masuk tempat wisata maupun wahana yang ingin dikunjungi, biaya untuk makan, membeli suvenir serta buah tangan bagi sanak keluarga.

Berdasarkan review di atas, kami menawarkan jasa sewa mobil di Semarang untuk berbagai keperluan Anda. Kami memberikan harga ekonomis yang tidak akan menguras dompet Anda, dan pastikan pelayanan terbaik yang kami miliki akan menjamin kenyamanan Anda.

Sekitar 16.616 dari 3.667.241 siswa SMP peserta Ujian Nasional (UN) tidak lulus. Provinsi yang ketidaklulusannya paling banyak adalah Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) dan terkecil di DKI.

Sekitar 16.616 dari 3.667.241 siswa SMP peserta Ujian Nasional (UN) tidak lulus. Provinsi yang ketidaklulusannya paling banyak adalah Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) dan terkecil di DKI.

"Ini kalau dilihat dari ketidaklulusannya, NTT ada 1.992 siswa yang tidak lulus, Aceh 1.440 siswa dan paling kecil itu DKI, cuma 1 siswa," kata Menteri Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan M Nuh dalam jumpa pers di kantornya, Jalan Jenderal Sudirman, Senayan, Jakarta, Jumat (31/5/2013).

Bila dilihat dari distribusinya, ada sekolah yang tidak lulus 100% sebanyak 10 sekolah. Sedangkan yang lulus 100% ada 44.915 sekolah.

"Nah saya mengimbau agar adik-adik yang belum lulus supaya tidak stres, karena masih ada kejar paket B. Juga jangan hura-hura berlebihan bagi yang lulus," pesan mantan Rektor Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember (ITS) ini.

Dalam merayakan kelulusan, Nuh menilai siswa SMA lebih baik dari tahun lalu. "Ada yang mengekspresikan kelulusan dengan membagi-bagikan makanan ke orang kecil. Saya harap SMP juga begitu," tuturnya.

Nuh berjanji bagi siswa berprestasi dalam UN akan dimintakan piagam yang diteken Presiden, Kemendikbud, hingga beasiswa.

"Sudah saya kirim surat ke presiden. Tapi kalau tidak bisa ya minimal piagam dari kementerianlah.
Yang kedua kans untuk ke sekolah yang lebih bagus lebih besar. Yang ketiga nanti saya usulkan supaya nanti dapat beasiswa. Jadi ada tiga bentuk penghargaan bagi merekalah," tutur Nuh.

saco-indonesia.com, Untuk dapat mengantisipasi kemacetan dan tindak kejahatan saat malam pergantian tahun, jajaran Polres Bogor

saco-indonesia.com, Untuk dapat mengantisipasi kemacetan dan tindak kejahatan saat malam pergantian tahun, jajaran Polres Bogor bersama dengan petugas gabungan lainnya bakal akan menggelar operasi di jalur Puncak, Bogor, Jawa Barat, Selasa (31/12). Razia gabungan tersebut juga sebagai salah satu upaya untuk menciptakan keamanan dan ketertiban masyarakat saat malam tahun baru, khususnya di kawasan Puncak.

"Selain menutup jalur sejak pukul 19.00 WIB Selasa (31/12) hingga Rabu (01/01/2014), kami juga akan menggelar razia besar-besaran dengan sasaran kendaraan yang tak dilengkapi dengan surat-surat alias bodong dan pengunjung yang telah membawa senjata tajam/api, miras maupun narkoba," kata Kapolres Bogor AKBP Asep Safrudin, Jumat (27/12).

Rencananya, razia tersebut juga akan digelar di pintu masuk kawasan Puncak, tepatnya di kawasan Simpang Gadog, Ciawi, Kabupaten Bogor. "Jadi jangan harap pengemudi yang tidak dilengkapi dengan surat-surat kendaraannya bisa masuk dan naik ke kawasan Puncak untuk dapat merayakan malam pergantian tahun," tegas Asep.

Sementara itu, Kasat Lantas Polres Bogor AKP Muhammad Chaniago juga memaparkan titik-titik lokasi pintu masuk kawasan Puncak yang akan dilakukan kegiatan operasi gabungan tersebut yakni perempatan Ciawi, dan selepas gerbang tol Ciawi. "Operasi ini juga akan kami gelar beberapa jam sebelum pemberlakuan penutupan jalur puncak saat malam pergantian Tahun Baru," katanya.

Ia juga mengatakan, selama pelaksanaan libur panjang siswa sekolah yang bertepatan dengan hari raya Natal dan jelang Tahun Baru, arus lalu lintas di jalur Puncak hampir setiap hari telah mengalami peningkatan. "Setiap harinya di musim liburan ini berdasarkan data dari Jasa Marga di Gerbang Tol Jagorawi, jumlah kendaraan yang keluar tol dan masuk ke kawasan puncak sekitar 40 ribu unit, jumlah itu belum ditambah dengan jumlah kendaraan roda dua dan empat yang masuk dari non tol atau via jalur Kota Bogor," katanya.

Ia juga menjelaskan, kemacetan yang telah terjadi di jalur Puncak juga mengakibatkan tidak seimbangnya antara volume kendaraan dengan kapasitas ruas jalan. "Kepadatan yang terjadi saat natal dan malam tahun baru dikarenakan banyaknya kendaraan yang keluar masuk penginapan serta tempat wisata di wilayah Kecamatan Megamendung dan Cisarua," tandasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

Photo
The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

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Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.