Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Wondama Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart genset Isuzu Foton 40 kVA silent Murah di Tapanuli Utara Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Teluk Bintuni Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 150 kva Prime power type 1106C-P6TAG3 Murah di Nias Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Tambrauw Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 500 kva di Sorong Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Selatan Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual genset cummins kapasitas 10 kva - 650kva Murah di Jawa Tengah Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Sorong Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
GENSET CUMMIS 1500KVA Murah di Pakpak Bharat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Raja Ampat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 80Kva di Halmahera Timur Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Maybrat Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 135 kva Prime power type 1006TAG1A Murah di Kalimantan Tengah Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Manokwari Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual genset perkins CHINA/LOVOL Kap 70 kva Prime power type 1004TG di Papua Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Doosan Murah di Kaimana Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
Jual Sparepart Genset Cummins 30Kva Built Up Murah di Ende Hubungi : 0821 - 1310 - 3112/(021) 9224 - 2423 PT. Tribuana Diesel Adalah penjualan Generating-Set (genset) berkualitas import (builtup) bagi anda yang membutuhkan product berkualitas serta pengadaan yang cepat urgent tanpa berbelit-belit, Genset kami di lengkapi dengan dokumen Certificate Of Original , Manual book engine dan manual book generator, Kami sediakan Genset kapasitas 10 Kva - 650Kva (ANDA PESAN KAMI ANTAR).
saco-indonesia.com, Memilih AC atau air conditioner Indonesia yang baik dan benar tentu nya sangat baik ketika kita ingin membel
saco-indonesia.com, Memilih AC atau air conditioner Indonesia yang baik dan benar tentu nya sangat baik ketika kita ingin membeli sebuah produk air conditioner Indonesia atau ac. Apalagi Indonesia juga merupakan daerah yang beriklim tropis yang telah memiliki 2 musim yakni musim hujan dan musim panas. Ketika datang musim panas atau kemarau, udara sejuk juga merupakan dambaan bagi setiap masyarakat. Dan udara sejuk telah menjadi suatu kebutuhan primer yang harus dipenuhi. Oleh karena itu kebutuhan akan air conditioner atau ac telah menjadi sangat penting. Maka dari itu, banyak keluarga yang telah membeli ac untuk tempat tinggal mereka. Namun, seperti nya kita juga sama-sama ketahui bahwa air conditioner atau ac ini harga nya juga cukup mahal. Tidak hanya itu memiliki ac di rumah, juga akan membutuhkan perawatan dan ini juga membutuhkan biaya yang tidak sedikit.
AC, Bagaimana Cara Memilih nya ?
acAC atau air conditioner Indonesia tidak hanya memiliki satu jenis saja, melainkan banyak jenis. Tidak hanya itu saja , banyak nya merek ac yang telah ditawarkan, ini telah membuat para pembeli harus cermat dan jeli dalam memilih jenis ac yang aman dan ramah terhadap lingkungan. Nah, beberapa hal yang bisa dijadikan sebagai pertimbangan dalam memilih ac yang baik dan benar, yaitu :
Lihat dari segi fungsi. Kita pasti saat membeli suatu barang, karena fungsi dan manfaat nya. Begitu pula dengan membeli mesin pendingin ini. Kita tahu bahwa ac berfungsi untuk dapat menghadirkan udara yang sejuk. Maka dari itu, belilah produk mesin pendingin yang telah memang mampu untuk memberikan udara sejuk ruangan dalam waktu yang cepat. Untuk dapat mengetahui berapa cepat air conditioner tersebut mampu untuk mendinginkan ruangan, maka cukup dengan melihat evaporator pendingin yang ada pada bagian samping mesin pendingin tersebut. Semakin besar ukuran evaporator pendingin, maka ac tersebut akan mampu untuk mendinginkan suatu ruangan dengan lebih cepat secara alami dan seimbang.
Perhatikan bagian kipas mesin pendingin tersebut. Jika pada mesin pendingin tersebut kipas digunakan bentuk nya besar, maka angin yang berhembus akan kencang. Dan ini akan dapat membuat ruang akan makin cepat dingin. Selain itu, jika kipas mesin pendingin tersebut besar dan juga lebar, maka air conditioner tersebut tidak akan menimbulkan suara yang berisik. Kipas yang besar ini juga tergantung pada evaporator. Semakin lebar dan besar evaporator sebuah mesin pendingin, maka secara otomatis kipas pada bagian blower akan lebih besar. Karena hal ini juga berhubungan dengan masalah keseimbangan. Namun jika ingin mendapatkan ac dengan kualitas yang terbaik, ada baik nya jika kipas tersebut bentuk seperti gerigi, sehingga akan dapat menyebabkan turbulansi akan menjadi tidak berisik.
Coba pertimbangkan fitur-fitur lain yang berhubungan dengan kesehatan. Sekarang banyak produk air conditioner yang diciptakan dengan fitur-fitur tambahan yang berhubungan dengan kesehatan seperti mampu untuk membasmi kuman. Selain itu ada juga produk mesin pendingin yang dibuat dengan fitur yang mampu untuk menghilangkan bakteri. Ada juga produk ac yang mampu sebagai filter penyaring debu dan menghilangkan bau tidak sedap. Bahkan ada yang memproduksi air conditioner dengan fitur vitamin c di dalamnya yang juga mengandung antioksidan sehingga dapat meningkatkan kekebalan tubuh dan tubuh menjadi lebih sehat dan bugar.
Sekian informasi mengenai tips trik dalam memilih ac yang baik dan benar, semoga tips ini dapat berguna untuk semua ketika ingin membeli produk air conditioner
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
HAKIM TOLAK EKSEPSI SUSI TUR ANDAYANI
Majelis hakim pada Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor) Jakarta, menolak keberatan (eksepsi) yang diajukan oleh terdakwa d
Majelis hakim pada Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor) Jakarta, menolak keberatan (eksepsi) yang diajukan oleh terdakwa dalam kasus dugaan suap pengurusan sengketa pemilihan kepala daerah Kabupaten Lebak, Banten, dan Pilkada Lampung Selatan, Susi Tur Andayani alias Uci.
"Menyatakan keberatan terdakwa Susi Tur Andayani tidak dapat diterima. Menyatakan surat dakwaan jaksa penuntut umum sah sebagai dasar untuk memeriksa dan memutus perkara," tegas ketua majelis hakim, Gosen Butar-Butar, saat membacakan putusan sela di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor), Jakarta, Senin (10/3/2014).
Sementara, anggota majelis hakim 3, Sofialdi, telah mengajukan perbedaan pendapat dalam putusan sela itu. Menurutnya, surat dakwaan jaksa penuntut umum terhadap Susi Tur Andayani tidak cermat dan kabur. Sebabnya adalah, pasal yang disangkakan buat Susi tidak tepat.
"Ada ketidaksesuaian dari uraian tindak pidana dengan dakwaan. Terdakwa bukan pelaku turut serta. Justru terdakwa seharusnya didakwa sebagai penerima dengan Akil Mochtar. Surat dakwaan itu obscuur (kabur) dan harus dibatalkan," jelas Hakim Sofialdi.
Hakim Sofialdi telah menambahkan, seharusnya jaksa mendakwa Susi dengan pasal penyuapan khusus terhadap hakim melalui advokat. Yakni Pasal 6 ayat 1 huruf a atau b atau Pasal 6 ayat 2 Undang-Undang pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi, dan bukan Pasal 12 huruf c.
"Dakwaan kesatu dan kedua tidak cermat. Terdakwa seharusnya didakwa dengan pasal suap khusus terhadap hakim. Apalagi yang memberi suap adalah advokat," terang Hakim Sofialdi.
Namun demikian, Hakim Ketua Gosen Butar-Butar tetap menyatakan surat dakwaan jaksa penuntut umum dan sah.
"Ada perbedaan wajar. Tetapi musyawarah diambil dengan suara terbanyak. Atas putusan ini terdakwa juga berhak mengajukan upaya hukum, tapi bersamaan dalam putusan akhir," sambung Hakim Ketua Gosen Butar-Butar.
Sidang lanjutan Susi Pemeriksaan perkara dilanjutkan pada Senin 17 Maret pekan depan, dengan agenda menghadirkan saksi.
AKANKAH BITCOIN TERANCAM DITUTUP?
saco-indonesia.com, Munculnya Bitcoin telah menimbulkan kekhawatiran oleh sejumlah pihak akan besarnya potensi penyelewengan den
saco-indonesia.com, Munculnya Bitcoin telah menimbulkan kekhawatiran oleh sejumlah pihak akan besarnya potensi penyelewengan dengan menggunakan mata uang tersebut. Terlebih, sudah banyak kasus di mana mata uang vitrual terbukti disalahgunakan untuk hal tersebut.
Belum lepas dari ingatan kita bagaimana FBI begitu saja menutup layanan transaksi mata uang virtual melalui Liberty Reserve. Kepolisian Federal Amerika Serikat tersebut dengan menganggap bahwa LR, nama bekennya, selama ini telah digunakan untuk sarana pencucian uang hasil transaksi benda haram mulai dari narkoba hingga senjata api.
Namun, matinya LR juga tak langsung membunuh mata uang virtual. Kini muncul Bitcoin beserta koin virtual lainnya yang bisa didapatkan siapa saja dan bebas dari jangkauan tangan hukum.
Para pelaku kriminal pun juga memanfaatkan dengan baik Bitcoin sehingga kemudian mata uang virtual ini lebih dekat konotasinya ke arah negatif. Seakan yang telah memiliki Bitcoin adalah para pelaku kriminal atau mereka yang suka jual beli barang haram.
Lagi-lagi polisi Amerika Serikat juga telah menemukan bukti bahwa Bitcoin digunakan untuk kegiatan haram. Dua eksekutif Bitcoin telah ditangkap dengan tuduhan mencuci uang hasil kegiatan ilegal terutama jual beli narkoba di Silk Road.
Tertangkapnya dua orang ini telah menimbulkan anggapan bahwa sepertinya AS mulai waspada dengan persebaran mata uang virtual ini. Bahkan, mungkin saja di masa depan nasib Bitcoin tak jauh beda dengan LR.
Meski begitu, pihak berwenang sendiri sampai saat ini memang masih kesulitan dalam menangkap pelaku kejahatan yang menggunakan Bitcoin. Pasalnya, mata uang satu ini tesimpan dalam komputasi awan dan terenkripsi secara digital. Sehingga, sangat sulit bagi siapa saja untuk dapat melacaknya.
Namun begitu, tren bank sentral beberapa negara di dunia telah menyatakan bahwa Bitcoin tidak bisa dijamin keabsahannya oleh negara karena . Sehingga, bisa saja muncul gerakan global untuk dapat memberantas penggunaan Bitcoin.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
BANDAR NARKOBA TUSUK POLISI
saco-indonesia.com, Dua anggota Serse Narkoba Polresta Tasikmalaya ambruk ditusuk oleh pengedar ganja, saat dalam melakukan pena
saco-indonesia.com, Dua anggota Serse Narkoba Polresta Tasikmalaya ambruk ditusuk oleh pengedar ganja, saat dalam melakukan penangkapan di rumahnya di Kampung Gandok, Desa Margamulya, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.
Kedua polisi yang sedang menyamar masing masing Brigadir Wawan dan Aiptu Hilman masih harus menjalani perawan di RSID Tasikmalaya.
Aksi penusukan yang diakhir dengan penembakan itu sontak telah membuat kaget warga setempat. Dalam tempo singkat warga pun telah berkerumum d lokasi kejadian. “ Kami juga kaget dan terbangun saat mendengar tembakan,“ kata seorang warga.
Keteranga seorang petugas UGD Rumah sakit korban Hilman telah mengalami luka sabetan dan tusukan senjata tajam di dahi, dan kepala bagian belakang. Sedang Wawan telah mengalami luka sayatan di lengan kanan.
“Kedua polisi tersebut ditusuk saat menyamar. Sial kedua bandar incarannya Dadeng dan Iman telah melawan dan menusuk kedua korban.
Ijang yang berusia 40 tahun , seorang warga menjelaskan, kedua polisi telah berhasil menangkap kedua tersangka saat bertramsaksi di rumahnya. Pagi itu seorang bandar diborgol dan satunya belum.
“ Bandar yang belum diborgol telah melawan dan menusuk menggunakan pisau,“ ucapnya saat dihubungi melalui selulernya.
Dalam kondisi luka, kedua polisi lanjut Injang, masih melawan. Pistol yang diselipkan di pinggang kemudian dua timah diledakan tepat di kaki seorang bandar Iman. “ Bandar Dadeng telah berhasil kabur dan masih diburu polisi,“ ujar Ijang yang menyaksilkan drama penusukan tersebut.
Seorang anggota polisi Polresta Tasikmlaya saat dihubungi menjelaskan kedua anggota yang ditusuk bandar ganja kondisinya sudah mulai membaik.
Bandar yang ditembak kini juga sudah diamankan dan dijebloskan ke kamar tahanan
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
PASAMBAHAN MANJAPUIK MARAPULAI
Ma nyo angku,angku,niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah ,
sarato bapak kami silang nan bapangka karajo nan bapokok,
Ma nyo angku,angku,niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah ,
sarato bapak kami silang nan bapangka karajo nan bapokok,
dek ado nan manjadi ujuik jo mukasuik sarato buah rundiangan di kami taradok bapak kami silang nan bapangka karajo nan bapokok,alah koh bana kami katangahkan.
sungguahpun kapado angku,ampun diminta kapado Allah,
maaf dipinto bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,
iyo juo bak pituah rang tuo,
kok tasabuik ambo di nan senteang nak dibilai
kok kurang nak ditukuak.jikok nyo salah minta diasak ka nan bana,
sipi nak dikatangahkan,
kok tasabuik di nan bukan minta diasak ka nan iyo.
kok lah iyo nan dalam pariyokan bapak kami nan baduo batigo.
sambah ambo sambah baririk diparirikan diateh rumah gadang nangko.
salam sa ujuik nan jo simpuah, ibarat bungka nan piawai,naraco luruih main, daun indak basibak jo basisieh indak babateh jo bahinggo.
salam kapado niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,
sandi andiko dalam kampuang tampuak jo tangkai dinagari,
pusek jalo pumpunan ikan
kapai tampek rang batanyo kapulang tampek babarito.Nan
bak kayu gadang di tangah koto,
ba urek balimbago matan,
badahan cupak jo gantang,
barantiang barih jo balabeh, badaun rimbun jo adat,
babungo mungkin jo patuik, babuah kato nan bana.
Buliah baselo di ureknyo, dapek basanda di batangnyo
gantungan cupak nan duo, partamo cupak usali, kaduo cupak buatan.
Salam kapado bapak kami,urang nan arih bijaksano
ibaraik payuang panji marewa alam,tingginyo mannalauangi, lebanyo manyalimuti
pulang pasambahan bakeh bapak kami silang sapangka karajo nan bapkok .manyo bapak kami aratinyo lah pituah di nan tuo
sajak samulo rantiang bapatah ,sumue bakali,aie basauak,
pangulu badiri dalam nagari.jalan duo nan baturuik kato duo nan bapakai.
kok dikaji jalan nan duo, partamu jalan adaik kaduo jalan syarak.
mangaji kito sapanjang jalan adaik iyolah babarih babalabeh
bacupak bagantang,basuri batauladan,bajanjang naiak batango turun
magaji kito sapanjang jalan syarak iyolah mangatahui iman,islam,tauhid,makrifah,sah jo bata,halal jo haram,sunaik jo paradu,haruih jo mukaruah.
manyo kato nan duo,partamu kato buek,kaduo kato pusako.
buek bana kadipakai pusako bana ka dirunggusi.
lampisan kaji dalam nantun,nan lazim nyenyo adaik,nan bana nyenyo syarak,nan laku nyenyo kitabullah.adaik basandikan syarak syarak basandi kitabullah
balampisan pulo kaji dalam nantun,bak pituah adih malayu;urang arih mangarek kuku,dikarek jo pisau sirauk,sirauik parauik batuangtuo.tuonyo elok kalantai.
adaik nagari babilang suku,suku bablilang buah paruik,itulah barih nan bapahek ,ico nan bapakai.
mangko dinamokan urang nan salapan indu.
nagari dibari barajo,luhak di bari bapangulu.
guno nagari dibari barajo;sakik bakeh maimbaukan ,mati bakeh marapuikan.
guno luhak bari barajo;pai bakeh mangadu,pulang tampek babarito.
diateh gadang babingkah tanah basa balingkuang aue,supayo a itu,supayo nak maharuihkan sumando manyumando dari suku lain ka bagadang lain.
di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah sumando saparti wak kami kabagadang Korong rang koto
sumando nangko balarauh pulo tantangannyo.
a nyo nan manjadi larauhnyo,pihak nan tadaulu alah,nan takamudian lay.
dipiihak nan tadaulu alah,baiak sahari duo hari,sapakan duo pakan,alah babulan bataun lambek maso nyo.
dek Allah ta'ala mantakadiekan.lah manaruah baliau anak sikabaikan.
anak si kabaikkan ko duo pulo wajah nan dikanduang nyo.
partamu anak sikabaikan silaki laki,kaduo anak sikabaikan si parampuan.
kok mangaji kito sapanjang anak sikabaikan silaki laki iyolah,
ketek dibaok kasumue,di aja mandi,di asok ,di asuah,dibari makan,dibari bagombak limo.
kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro,
pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman.
paga nagari sumarak tapian.kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang
itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo.
dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso,lah tau di manih aie tabu,tau dipakek tangguli.
tau mamahek jo maukie,tau dirancak ragi bungo.tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko,
iyo lah biaso nan kadijapuik ka dijangkau urang nan kamamakai nan sapanjang adaik.
tumbuah di anak sikabaikan si parampuan baitupulolah tantangannyo,
ketek dibaok kasumue,di aja mandi,di asok ,di asuah,dibari makan,dibari baambuik panjang.
kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro,
pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman.
limpapeh rumah gadang.
kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang
itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo.
dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo
pareso, tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko.
iyo lah nan biaso kadijauikan kadijangkaukan urang
nan kamandirikan nan sapanjang adaik.
di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah dikami anak sikabaikan si parampuan kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang
dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo tau mangarok,jo malapak,tau mauleh jo mananun tau mauleh banang putuih,manbuhue indak mangasan tau di raso pareso, tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko.iyo lah nan biaso kadijauikan kadijangkaukan urang
namun disakarang nangko,ibaraik siriah balun bajunjuang ibaaik ayam balun barindu,itulah mangko di carikn ka junjuangan nyo
adopun maso daulunyo, bapisuruah kami kabakh amai kami bacapek kaki barinngan tangan.manampuah rumah gadang nangko,dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,ditarimo dek bundo kanduang limpapeh rumah gadang nangko, tasbuik bundo kanduang uarng nan arih bijaksno limpaeh rumah nan gadang sumarak anjuang paranginan, , badantiang lega caranonyo rancak susun siriahnyo,sikalek manih namo pinangmudonyo
Ujuik kato buah rundingan, sakiro paham di kahandaki, bahubuang jo maso nan ditampuah, dek maliek di ateh rupo, basiang ateh nan tumbuah, manko padan alah di ukue janji alah di takuak.
baiak lah dikami nan adie ditangah runmah gadang nangko, dituruik labuah nan panjang,jalan nan baliku.labuah panjang bakalalaran,labuah singkek pinteh maminteh,mangko tapinteh ka Korong kampuang nangko.lalu tibo tangah halaman,dibasuah kak i di tapak janjang lalu naiak ateh rumah manampakan muko nan janiah hati nan suci,manuruti padan nan alah diukue manapati janji alah di takuak, mamnjapuik manuruik adaik sutan mudo kajadi junjungan puti bungsu dikorong kampuang kami.
Balampisan kaji dalam manjapuik,manantiangkan kami adaik panjapuik,adaik panjapuik nangko kin balipek kain baliwek,kain panunang saribu nunang,siriah nan diatek ameh nan dibawah uang nan limo kupang kanamonyo.
Kok lah dalam barih jo balabeh dalam cupak jo gantang kabaneran kami nan katangah iyolah nak di tarimo suko,kok banamo dilua nak di kadalamkan
sakian sambah j titah kami himpunkan
SEKITAR 222 SISWA JAKARTA TIDAK MENGIKUTI UN
Dinas Pendidikan DKI Jakarta mencatat 99,86 persen atau 153.009 siswa di ibu kota
mengikuti Ujian Nasional (UN) tingkat Sekolah
Dinas Pendidikan DKI Jakarta mencatat 99,86
persen atau 153.009 siswa di ibu kota mengikuti Ujian Nasional (UN) tingkat Sekolah Dasar (SD)
dan sederajat. Dari total keseluruhan yaitu 15.231 siswa, sebanyak 222 siswa atau 0,14 persen
tidak mengikuti UN hari pertama.
Untuk siswa Madrasah Ibtidaiyah (MI),
sebanyak 12.317 siswa (99,63 persen) hadir dan 45 siswa (0,37 persen) tidak hadir. Sementara
untuk siswa SD Luar Biasa (SDLB), kehadiran mencapai 100 persen, yaitu dengan total 123 siswa.
"Pelaksanaan UN untuk tingkat SD dan sederajat di Jakarta pada hari pertama
berjalan lancar. Sebanyak 99,86 persen siswa hadir," kata Kepala Dinas Pendidikan (Disdik)
DKI Jakarta, Taufik Yudi Mulyanto, di Jakarta, Senin (6/5/2013).
"Berdasarkan data kami, dari total 222 siswa atau 0,14 persen yang tidak mengikuti ujian
hari ini, sebanyak 10 siswa tercatat tidak hadir karena meninggal dunia," ujar Taufik.
Taufik mengungkapkan pihaknya juga mencatat sebanyak 33 siswa tidak hadir dengan
alasan sakit, 105 siswa tanpa keterangan, dan 74 siswa terdaftar sebagai siswa inklusi.
Menurut Taufik, pihaknya memberikan kesempatan bagi siswa-siswa yang tidak hadir pada
hari pertama pelaksanaan UN, untuk mengikuti ujian susulan.
depan, rencananya, kami akan mengadakan ujian susulan dengan mata pelajaran yang sama untuk
seluruh siswa yang tidak sempat mengikuti ujian hari ini. Jadi, siswa tidak perlu khawatir,"
Berdasarkan data Disdik DKI Jakarta, pada hari pertama UN,
sebanyak 140.614 siswa SD (99,87 persen) mengikuti ujian dan 177 (0,13 persen) siswa tidak
kantor Wali Kota Cilegon terendam air
Halaman gedung Pusat Pemerintahan Kota Cilegon di Kelurahan Ramanuju, Kecamatan Purwakarta telah terendam air mencapai 15 cm, Rabu (12/3) pagi. Gedung yang juga merupakan kantor Wali Kota Tb Iman Aryadi digenangi air setelah diguyur hujan deras beberapa saat saja.
Halaman gedung Pusat Pemerintahan Kota Cilegon di Kelurahan Ramanuju, Kecamatan Purwakarta telah terendam air mencapai 15 cm, Rabu (12/3) pagi. Gedung yang juga merupakan kantor Wali Kota Tb Iman Aryadi digenangi air setelah diguyur hujan deras beberapa saat saja.
Untungnya, genangan air akibat buruknya drainase di area kantor tersebut hanya merendam halaman perkantoran dan tidak masuk dalam gedung karena posisi gedung cukup tinggi. Saluran air di area tersebut tersumbat oleh sampah, dan telah mengakibatkan air meluap.
Akibat genangan air ini, selain menggagalkan upacara rutin yang dilakukan oleh jajaran pemerintah cilegon juga telah menyebabkan PNS yang bekerja di kantor tersebut sulit untuk masuk kantor.
Salah seorang PNS Samsuri, mengaku terkejut ketika akan masuk kerja melihat genangan air itu. "Baru kali ini terjadi. Biasanya hanya genangan sedikit saja, sekarang merata air merendam halaman gedung," ujarnya.
Pisang ternyata menyimpan 8 manfaat ini untuk kesehatan
Saco-Indonesia.com - Buanh pisang sejak lama dikenal sebagai buah yang menyimpan banyak nutrisi untuk kesehatan tubuh.
Saco-Indonesia.com - Buanh pisang sejak lama dikenal sebagai buah yang menyimpan banyak nutrisi untuk kesehatan tubuh. Bahkan mengonsumsi pisang sebagai menu sarapan di pagi hari dapat membantu Anda untuk selalu aktif, kreatif, dan berenergi sepanjang hari.
Ternyata seperti dilansir dari boldsky.com, tak hanya daging buah pisang saja yang kaya akan nutrisi. Kulit pisang pun juga bermanfaat untuk kesehatan tubuh.
Berikut adalah manfaat kulit pisang yang harus Anda ketahui.
Untuk memiliki gigi putih alami, gosokkan kulit pisang secara rutin setiap hari. Kandungan alami yang ada di kulit pisang bermanfaat untuk memutihkan gigi.
Kulit pisang mempunyai manfaat untuk menghilangkan kutil dan mencegah kutil datang kembali. Caranya adalah gosokkan kulit pisang di atas kutil setiap malam.
Wajah Anda berjerawat? Kulit pisang yang dicampur dengan madu efektif untuk mengurangi bekas jerawat di muka.
Kulit pisang kaya akan zat antioksidan yang bermanfaat sebagai anti penuaan. Kulit pisang juga menjaga agar kulit selalu terhidrasi dengan baik serta mampu meningkatkan elastisitas.
Menenangkan rasa sakit
Kulit pisang memberikan efek menenangkan rasa sakit di tubuh. Anda dapat mengobatinya dengan campuran kulit pisang serta minyak esensial.
Kandungan alami yang ada di dalam kulit pisang bermanfaat untuk mengurangi gatal dan menyembuhkan psoriasis dengan cepat.
Mengobati luka gigitan serangga
Pijatan menggunakan kulit pisang dapat bermanfaat untuk mengobati luka atau gatal akibat gigitan serangga.
Melindungi dari sinar UV
Sinar matahari yang berlebihan mampu menimbulkan masalah pada kesehatan mata Anda. Oleh karena itu mengompres dengan kulit pisang mampu mengobati mata yang lelah akibat terlalu lama berada di luar ruangan.
Kulit pisang ternyata kaya akan manfaat untuk kesehatan tubuh Anda. Bahkan dapat menjadi obat darurat ketika Anda mengalami gangguan kulit. Selamat mencoba!
Editor : Maulana Lee
Sumber : merdeka.com
KATA-KATA BY YANDRE PRAMANA PUTRA
Tersenyumlah dalam mengawali hari, karena itu menandakan bahwa kamu siap menghadapi hari dengan penuh semangat!
Tersenyumlah dalam mengawali hari, karena itu menandakan bahwa kamu siap menghadapi hari dengan penuh semangat!
Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson
Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.
How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters
Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.
Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.
Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.
Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.
“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”
Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.
The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.
They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.
A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.
Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.
What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.
It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)
A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.
The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.
It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.
High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.
But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.
In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.
Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83
Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.
Marty Napoleon, 93, Dies; Jazz Pianist Played With Louis Armstrong
Mr. Napoleon was a self-taught musician whose career began in earnest with the orchestra led by Chico Marx of the Marx Brothers.
Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95
Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.
Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds
Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.
The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.
Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.
The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.
Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.
The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.
Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.
Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.
One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.
Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.
Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.
The nationwide poll was conducted from April 30 to May 3 on landlines and cellphones with 1,027 adults, including 793 whites and 128 blacks. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points for all adults, four percentage points for whites and nine percentage points for blacks. See the full poll here.
Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame
From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.
In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.
Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.
The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.
The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.
It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.
Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.
That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.
Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.
The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.
THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”
The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.
Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.
That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.
Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.
From T Magazine: Street Lit’s Power Couple
THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.
In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.
One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.
But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.
JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”
In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”
That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.
But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.
“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”
THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.
In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.
“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”
They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.
They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”
Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”
The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.
Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”
The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.
Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.
The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”
Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”
Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.
For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”
Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.
The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.
But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:
WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS
“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”
One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”